Jajajaja pero por qué entra y sale del plano todo el tiempo????
Ridículo de Sarah en la 7: Le cuesta leer el teleprompter, imita a su novio Javier Ruiz y culpa de todo a la derecha
Además, en la biografía de Sarah, la Séptima nos indica que es jurista y graduada en derecho, lo cual es mentira, no ha terminado ninguna carrera
#ULTIMAHORA #LaSeptima #SarahSantaolalla
Alba retweeted
Imaginad una estación de tren antigua. Pedro leyendo la carta que le ha escrito Óscar (música triste): "Cuando leas esto, tu primera reacción será de estupor. Mientras lo leas (sic), yo estaré muy lejos, amor. Espero que no lo interpretes como una traición, sino como un acto..."
Ojo a la exclusiva de @eredondoe en @MVTARDE
El mensaje de Puente a Sánchez y la respuesta. Todo 1 minuto antes de dimitir públicamente.
Alba retweeted
En serio, es urgente que el 29N no salga esta gente. Son lo antitodo.
abc.es/sociedad/gobierno-apr…
El gobierno aprueba eliminar la educación especial para integrarla en la ordinaria.
¿PERO DE QUÉ VAIS?
¡Qué no pensáis ni en los niños ni en los padres!
Mi sobrino ya estuvo en la educación ordinaria y la profesora le amargó la vida a mi hermana. Y ahora esta feliz y evoluciona.
SIN VERGÜENZAS. ¿Tanto impuesto para qué? NO SABÉIS GESTIONAR. Espero veros en la oposición 20 años.
Alba retweeted
Vamos a bajar más los salarios que hay q tapar las putas del jefe
ÚLTIMA HORA | El salario mínimo subirá un 5,3% hasta los 1.286 euros al mes
eldiario.es/economia/salario… Por @laura_olias
Alba retweeted
Hay que ser muy malnacido para perpetrar este ataque. Es un ataque a la población civil, que puede costar cientos de vidas. Y los responsables, sean grupos criminales o Estados, deben pagar por sus atrocidades.
Un ciberataque a los bancos de sangre franceses intenta a echar a perder las muestras con temperaturas extremas abc.es/sociedad/ciberataque-…
Alba retweeted
Cerremos el círculo
Puente señala que la falta de Presupuestos Generales impidió elevar la inversión en mantenimiento de Adif
elconfidencial.com/economia/…
Alba retweeted
Nunca osaré a intentar aventurar que pasa por la puta cabeza de un socialista, pero alguien medianamente funcional, si tiene decidido dimitir, no:
Dice que no sabe en que ayudaría a las victimas su dimisión.
Dice que ha esperado por pagar los muertos, dando la cifra al céntimo.
Alba retweeted
Que alguien me justifique esto.
Mientras, tienes a jóvenes con dos carreras e idiomas trabajando por 1.500 € al mes.
"Recibo al mes 4.000 € en ayudas. No trabajo porque tengo 2 sobrinos menores viviendo conmigo, nos tratan muy bien".
La mujer, marroquí de 46 años, asegura que gracias a las ayudas sociales su familia y ella pueden vivir muy bien en España.
elespanol.com/mujer/interior…
Alba retweeted
Lo mejor, más inteligente y más sensato que vais a leer sobre la crisis polaca.
I was First Secretary at the British Embassy in Warsaw 1994-98. While that was a long time ago, I knew personally many of the people at the heart of the current crisis, such as Donald Tusk and Radek Sikorski.
1) The first thing to say about Poland is
craigmurray.org.uk/archives/…
Alba retweeted
En la URSS no funcionaba nada porque era todo privado.
Por cierto, en la comunistísima China las cosas mejoraron sustancialmente cuando, tras Tiennamen, empezaron a nacionalizar cosas. Antes todo era privado y, como en la URSS, Camboya y Venezuela, las cosas no funcionaban.
Alba retweeted
The Civilizational Significance of the Events in Poland 🇵🇱
What is happening in Poland goes way beyond the Constitutional Tribunal and the Polish government. It is even bigger than the EU. It is about whether nations, and human communities in general, can govern themselves, or whether they are all turned into a gray mass that can only be administered until we die out.
Everyone knows what being administered feels like. You have made this phone call. Your case is being processed. The woman on the line is polite, and she can't decide anything. Neither can her manager. Somewhere there is a rule, and nobody you can reach wrote it. Nobody lied to you. Nobody is responsible. You hang up feeling smaller, and you can't say who did it.
Now imagine that phone call as a country. Then as a continent.
This week the Tribunal's president was suspended and riot police stood at its gate. Let's be fair: PiS filled that Tribunal its own way – it had its reasons. The EU's top court ruled it isn't independent, Strasbourg ordered it to accept the new judges, and the Venice Commission effectively backed the government. Polish MPs chose those judges. Tusk has a real argument and plenty of paper.
But look where the paper comes from. Ask who has the last word in Poland, and the answer moves to Luxembourg, Strasbourg and Venice. And a year before Poles could settle it themselves at the ballot box, the argument arrives in riot gear.
Self-government was never about being wise. Peoples vote badly. They elect fools and build bad courts. Self-government means the mistake is yours, so the repair is yours too. And Popper put it most plainly, saying the question is not so much who should rule, but how to remove them without blood. Poles can remove Tusk in 2027 and Nawrocki in 2030. Who removes a judge in Luxembourg? Try it. Call them. Your case is being processed.
Administered Until We Die Out
A people and a population can look identical: same streets, same shops, even the same elections. The difference appears on the day they say no. A people's no ends the matter. A population's no gets processed.
And Tocqueville saw it coming, describing a power that doesn't break the will but softens it, until a nation is a flock of timid, busy animals with the government as its shepherd. Communism needed tanks, and it lost. The new gray needs only forms, and it gets thanked. Poles know that gray. We lived in it. The difference is that back then, you knew whom to hate.
Why Poland? Because Poland ran the experiment. For 123 years there was no Polish state on any map. Three empires administered the Poles, and they stayed a people, in language, prayer and memory. Then in 1980 the workers built a union and put the whole idea in its name: Niezależny Samorządny Związek Zawodowy Solidarność. Niezależny – Independent. Samorządny – Self-governing. And Solidarity. Poland knows from experience that a nation is not its state, and can outlive one.
But Poland isn't safe. Germany, the land of efficient administration, is just across the border, and it is stronger and richer than us. It doesn't need to plot anything – the forms do the job. And even to some Poles being administered may sound easier than the responsibility of self-government.
This temptation is as old as our civilization. Everything the West has built rests on one wild idea: that an adult answers for his own life, and a people for its own fate. Freedom is the pleasant part of that idea. Responsibility is the heavy part, and you can't have one without the other.
Take it away and you don't get a happier people. An administered people never grows up. It only grows old.
So the question is not whether Poland stays in Europe. It is whether anyone in Europe can still say "we", mean it, and answer for it.
Nations are no longer conquered. They are wound down, in full compliance, with a final report nobody reads.
Post-communism (1989–2026) – an Obituary
Post-communism was born in 1989, of a lie. We were told communism had ended. It had only changed its name. The communists handed over the government and kept the rest. The change was real on the surface and fake underneath.
Every lie needs a charming face. Post-communism found its best one in Donald Tusk, Poland's Tony Blair: modern, smiling, fluent in the language the West wanted to hear. Brussels loved him, and in time post-communism grew into Euro-communism: the same apparatus, the same contempt for the voter, now speaking the language of "European values".
This week, the face slipped. Riot police kept the Chief Justice out of his own Constitutional Tribunal, and the government called it restoring the rule of law.
A lie that needs the police has stopped persuading anyone. Lies do not die gently. They stand until the day they fall all at once. In 1989, we were told that day had come. It had only been postponed. Now this lie is coming to an end – and this time, the end will be real.
Post-communism is survived, for now, by its networks. In lieu of flowers, Poles are asked to vote in 2027.
Post-communism is dead.
Long live a Free Poland! 🇵🇱🗽✌🏻
Alba retweeted
Si al final resulta ser la electricidad hay q correr a la gente a Hostias y pedirle daños por cerrar centrales y no arreglar un pimiento después del apagón
Alba retweeted
Perdón por mi opinión de extrema derecha, pero creo que hay que dejar de subvencionar el "dolce far niente" de cuatro hijos de puta que encima trabajan en negro.
Alba retweeted
Newbies to the Polish political drama need to understand how language is being misused (by both sides) to further their respective crusades.
To the uninitiated, “restoring the rule of law” probably sounds like a noble objective. The framing makes it sound as though the previous government (despite being called the Law and Justice party) ruled without any regard for law and justice. Perhaps, even, that it abused its power by oppressing dissidents or confiscating assets. Who knows.
Tusk’s accusation of “lawlessness” is even more sensational and misleading. In ordinary language, the term conjures up images of a mafia state, or worse, a failed state where it’s every man for himself.
But no reasonable person assessing the period during which PiS was in power could honestly suggest that this was the case. Poland was not lawless in any ordinary understanding of the word.
The sleight of hand lies in taking a specific legal and constitutional dispute and repackaging it as a sweeping indictment of an entire government. The accusation derives its legitimacy from genuine controversies over the rule of law, but its political force comes from the much broader and more sinister meaning that the phrase carries in everyday language.
At the heart of the dispute is the question of whether Polish constitutional law can take precedence over EU law in areas where the EU maintains that its law has primacy, alongside controversies surrounding judicial independence. These are major legal questions, but they are a far cry from the impression of generalised lawlessness that Tusk’s rhetoric invites.
“Restoring the rule of law” is an exceptionally effective piece of political messaging. It allows Tusk to present his government as the force restoring legality, while casting his opponents as people who governed outside the law.
Yet, powerful states such as the US and China have long asserted their sovereignty against international legal constraints they consider unacceptable. The EU may be a distinct legal order whose treaties Poland voluntarily accepted, but the broader question of where national sovereignty ends and supranational authority begins is hardly unique to Poland.
Of course, the ultimate source of the consternation lies in PiS’ judicial reforms during its time in power. Yes, breaking established procedures to pack supposedly independent courts with your own appointees is not a good look. But it becomes a little more understandable when you consider the historical context that Western media so often leave out when reporting on the story.
Poland never underwent a comprehensive “lustration” of its judiciary after the fall of communism. The transition involved compromises that allowed considerable institutional continuity, with elements of the old judicial establishment, its professional networks and institutional culture surviving into the new democratic order.
This is crucial because PiS did not regard itself as politicising an otherwise independent judiciary. Its contention was precisely the opposite: that the judiciary was already politicised, having never been sufficiently disentangled from the structures and networks inherited from the communist era.
From that perspective, its reforms were intended to dismantle an entrenched establishment rather than create one. The opposition and the EU regarded those same interventions as an assault on judicial independence.
Tusk and his allies have often challenged the relevance of the judiciary’s communist-era legacy by pointing out that most judges from that period are no longer serving. But this misses the substance of the argument. The concern is not necessarily about the survival of individual communist-era judges, but about the professional networks, institutional culture and entrenched structures that may have outlived them. The continuum.
