Projecting My Amygdala

Mr Annamalai, you have asked the Central Government several questions. Let us also examine the facts your post leaves out. The Modi government has a responsibility to maintain public order. It cannot suspend that responsibility whenever those facing action happen to oppose BJP Peaceful protest deserves protection. Alleged violations deserve examination. Neither political affiliation nor social-media popularity provides exemption from the law You served in the IPS. You know the distinction 1. On invoking Narendra Modi’s statement from 2011 Modi criticised the crackdown at Ramlila Maidan in 2011. That statement is on record. But a quotation from 2011 cannot determine the legality of every police action in 2026 The present case involves allegations of entering a barricaded site and breaching previously furnished peace bonds. Address those allegations instead of presenting the entire episode as punishment merely for asking questions. Our position is consistent: citizens can oppose the government; authorities can enforce lawful restrictions. Disagreement with the first does not establish abuse of the second. 2. On Jantar Mantar: the dates matter Here is the reported chronology: • October 9: The Supreme Court discussed identifying suitable alternative protest sites with facilities. • October 11: The revised Delhi Police standing order was issued. • October 12: The change was announced; CJP says its representatives approached the police for permission that day. Three alternative venues were designated: Ramlila Maidan, Burari Ground and CBD Ground. You suggest that the authorities changed the arrangement in response to CJP’s application. How do you establish that when the reported order predates the application? The government’s stated approach included providing alternative venues. That is a material fact when discussing whether the object was to regulate protests or extinguish them. You can challenge the location decision. But your preferred interpretation of its motive is not an established fact. 3. On Special Executive Magistrates Your post expresses alarm about a mechanism that existed long before the Modi government. Section 21 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1973, already provided for Special Executive Magistrates. This was not an institution invented overnight to handle CJP. If you seek reform, specify the reform. If you question an appointment, identify the legal defect. If you challenge an order, explain which provision was violated. But portraying an established legal mechanism as evidence of a uniquely sinister government conspiracy is no substitute for making that case. Your experience in uniform should bring precision to this discussion 4. On questioning and rejecting sureties You ask why proposed sureties were questioned, as though scrutiny itself establishes harassment Section 140 of the BNSS expressly permits rejection of an unfit surety, subject to procedural safeguards, including an inquiry and recorded reasons. Reporting on the October 19 order identifies concerns including an alleged mismatch with an identity-document photograph and another proposed surety’s inability to provide basic details about the person concerned Those reasons can be challenged. But the number of sureties offered does not establish that each was legally acceptable or that every rejection was arbitrary. Publish the orders. Address the reasons. Identify the procedural violation. “Eight sureties” is a headline. It is not, by itself, a legal argument. 5. On the magistrate’s recusal You refer to a threat and a recusal, then ask whether this is a joke. Where is the recorded order? What precisely was stated? What evidence establishes your suggestion that the process was deliberately manipulated? A former police officer should understand the seriousness of a reported threat. If you believe it was used as a pretext, substantiate that accusation. The public deserves the record, not an invitation to assume the worst