Helmut-Harry Loewen

𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗿𝗼𝗹𝗲 𝗼𝗳 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗹𝘁𝗲𝗿𝗻𝗮𝘁𝗶𝘃𝗲 𝗳ü𝗿 𝗗𝗲𝘂𝘁𝘀𝗰𝗵𝗹𝗮𝗻𝗱, 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗹𝗮𝗿𝗴𝗲𝘀𝘁 𝗻𝗲𝗼𝗳𝗮𝘀𝗰𝗶𝘀𝘁 𝗳𝗼𝗿𝗰𝗲 𝗶𝗻 𝘁𝗵𝗲 𝗙𝗲𝗱𝗲𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝗥𝗲𝗽𝘂𝗯𝗹𝗶𝗰, 𝗶𝗻 𝗚𝗲𝗿𝗺𝗮𝗻𝘆’𝘀 𝗰𝗲𝗻𝘁𝗿𝗮𝗹 𝘂𝗻𝗱𝗲𝗿𝘁𝗮𝗸𝗶𝗻𝗴 – 𝘄𝗮𝗿 𝗮𝗴𝗮𝗶𝗻𝘀𝘁 𝗥𝘂𝘀𝘀𝗶𝗮. 1. The nature and function of the AfD cannot be understood without reference to the Federal Republic of Germany’s most important political project: the preparation for a major war against Russia. 2. To drive forward increased militarisation, rearmament, cuts to social services and the incitement of the population, a fascist force such as the AfD is necessary; it is intended, like no other, to ensure that Germany is on the march again. 3. The AfD is not ‘partly far-right’ (‘in Teilen rechtsextrem’); it is the largest neofascist force in the history of the Federal Republic of Germany, with ethnonationalist elements at its core. Any attempt to downplay this is dangerous, and the normalisation of fascism is one of its key objectives. 4. The AfD has been strategically built up and promoted by the state; it is not the result of spontaneous ‘popular anger’; the danger emanates from the ruling class, and the struggle must be directed against it. 5. The antifascist movement has been undermined by proimperialist and Zionist forces, which espouse a racist and inhuman ideology and act as a barrier between the population and the antifascist struggle. 6. The political successes of the neofascists in inciting the population and, at the same time, in their demagogic misdirection must be halted by a genuinely oppositional, antifascist movement centred on the struggle against the war against Russia, as well as the struggle against the genocide and occupation of Palestine. 7. This requires a broad social alliance, which can be forged through open discussions on the nature of the war policy, its aims and its means. kommunistische-organisation.…

"Eingreifendes Denken" and materialist dialectics in Brecht’s 𝘔𝘦-𝘵𝘪. 𝘉𝘶𝘤𝘩 𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘞𝘦𝘯𝘥𝘶𝘯𝘨𝘦𝘯 (ca. 1935; 1940-42; posthumously published in 1965): “Die große Methode ermöglicht, in den Dingen Prozesse zu erkennen und zu benutzen. Sie lehrt Fragen zu stellen, welche das Handeln ermöglichen.“ “The Great Method makes it possible to recognize processes in things and to make use of them. It teaches us to ask questions that enable action.” ***** Prof. Dr. Alex Demirović: Bertolt Brecht: «Das Buch der Wendungen» youtu.be/tyM9QRyFqjQ?si=Qb0T…

Conference on Dialectical Materialism and Communist Politics: Marx-Engels-Stiftung and Gesellschaft für Dialektische Philosophie: "... ‘interventionist thinking’ ('eingreifendes Denken'), as Bertolt Brecht describes the fundamental characteristic of dialectical materialism. ... The philosophy of the working class is a form of thought that ... from its very inception, intervenes (eingreift) in the class struggle, because it arose within it and propels both the struggle and itself forward.” * * * * "... Dialectical materialism is not taught at bourgeois universities – quite the contrary: their output in the field of philosophy consists, amongst other things, of refuting dialectical materialism or, even more perversely, of developing a ‘true Marxism’ in its late-bourgeois analytical or philosophical-of-life (lebensphilosophische) variants, in order to deploy it in the ideological class struggle. Consequently, dialectical materialism can essentially be taught, assimilated, developed and defended within communist parties. Communist organisations that fail to do so are driven, in the ideological class struggle, towards left-wing radicalism or social democracy – both petty-bourgeois theoretical forms of parties that are communist in name only. "Teaching, assimilation, development and defence do not take place in a vacuum devoid of history. The emergence and continuation of class society dictate to communist parties what is currently philosophically necessary in order to pursue scientific politics. As soon as they commit themselves to this necessity, they fulfil the prerequisites for the correct path to communism. Marx wrote on this subject: The proletariat can only abolish itself—that is, dissolve itself in the struggle for communism—if it realises its philosophy, dialectical materialism. Communist parties that do not master the dialectics of imperialism theoretically cannot overcome it in practice either. They lack the crucial means of recognising the simple and fundamental forms of movement of imperialism; at best, they begin to analyse the present, but in their eagerness to analyse the current state of imperialism, they lose sight of its movement as a transition to socialism. Or they concoct a salvation myth, according to which a new Messiah like Lenin is to lead us into the Promised Land. The ideological foundation is generally treated as a platitude for defining communist policy, with the occasional throwaway remark such as ‘dialectics’ or ‘the transformation of quantity into quality’ being bandied about here and there, rather than examining political problems from a philosophical perspective—that is, in terms of their respective fundamental forms of movement—and thereby challenging and further developing philosophy in this regard. "Marx also wrote in the same article, and indeed in the very same sentence: the philosophy of the proletariat can only realise itself if it abolishes the proletariat—that is, if it develops itself along the political path that the working class, together with its communist parties, is taking towards self-emancipation, and provides the fundamental theoretical tools for this. Dialectical materialism sees itself as part of social practice; it does not hover above it, but arose with the working class and continues to develop within it. It must first establish its own existence within social practice in order to develop from this a dialectical logic of being for changing the world in the service of the party. In short: it must understand change – in what Engels termed the ‘fundamental question of philosophy’, namely the contradictory relationship between being and thought – dialectically and materialistically, both for itself and in relation to the current stage of development of class society. If it is capable of conceiving the logical structure of the contradiction, it does not reduce it to a mere conception of interaction; it recognises itself as ‘interventionist thinking’ ('eingreifendes Denken'), as Bertolt Brecht describes the fundamental characteristic of dialectical materialism. "Brecht thereby popularises the idea behind Marx’s 11th Thesis on Feuerbach. The philosophy of the working class is a form of thought that transforms practice, because it is only through it that change can be conceived in the first place; a form of thought that does not interpret the world, but one that, from its very inception, intervenes in the class struggle, because it arose within it and propels both the struggle and itself forward. Consequently, the 11th Feuerbach Thesis contains, from a philosophical perspective, the seed of the collaboration between dialectical materialism and the Communist Party. This realisation links dialectical materialism to the Communist Party. Whilst it develops its logic in collaboration with the empirical sciences, the direction of its own development is provided by the Communist Party, for it is the arena in which it operates and where it must meet the current demands of the class struggle. This is why internal philosophical discussion is also necessary; debates are needed within the circles of Marxist philosophers. The Communist Party, in turn, is adrift without its revolutionary philosophy and is therefore dependent on it and, through it, on all the empirical sciences. "To raise awareness of and revitalise this relationship of mutual dependence between the philosophy of the working class and the working-class party, the Marx-Engels Foundation and the Society for Dialectical Philosophy are organising a weekend from 13 to 15 November, during which various dialectical-materialist ideas will be presented to foster a better understanding of one’s own political work. Under the title ‘The Usefulness of Dialectical Materialism for Communist Politics’, presentations and discussions will take place on the following topics: dialectics; the relationship between dialectical materialism and communist politics; dialectics in Lenin’s theory of imperialism; the concept of materialism; and the relationship between nature, humanity and technology. The event will conclude on 15 November with a political-philosophical panel discussion, moderated by the editor-in-chief of *junge Welt*, Daniel Bratanovic, in conversation with Patrik Köbele (DKP), Freya Pillardy (SDAJ), Luca Schneider (KO) and Dietmar Dath on the dialectics of imperialism." Programm Freitag, 13.11.2026: 18.30 Uhr Julian Lämmrich – »Probleme und Fragen im Umgang und Bearbeitung der dialektischen Philosophie in der Kommunistischen Bewegung« Samstag, 14.11.2026: 10 Uhr Martin Küpper – »Die Dialektik des Materiellen« 11 Uhr Arnold Schölzel – »Zur Begriffsentwicklung des Imperialismus bei Lenin von Fritz Kumpf« 12.15 Lena Kreymann – »Natürlich künstlich: Zum Verhältnis von Mensch, Natur und Technik« 14.30 Uhr Andreas Hüllinghorst – »Politik als Dialektik des Aufhebens und Verwirklichens von Proletariat und Philosophie« 15.30 Pause 15.45 Daniel Bratanovic – »Über das Interregnum bei Antonio Gramsci« Sonntag, 15.11.2026: 10 Uhr – Podiumsdiskussion »Dialektik des Imperialismus« mit Dietmar Dath (Publizist und Autor), Patrik Köbele (Vorsitzender der DKP), Luca Schneider (Kommunistische Organisation), Freya Pillardy (stellvertretende Vorsitzende SDAJ) Moderation: Daniel Bratanovic (Chefredakteur der Tageszeitung junge Welt) 12.15 Uhr Schlusswort der Veranstalter marx-engels-stiftung.de/vera… * * * * Tagung zum Nutzen des Dialektischen Materialismus. Orientierung suchenJulian Lämmrich. Unsere Zeit. Sozialistische Wochenzeitung - Zeitung der DKP, 30.10.2026 „Warum sollten wir uns mit Dialektischem Materialismus beschäftigen?“, fragten sich Genossinnen und Genossen der Marx-Engels-Stiftung und der Gesellschaft für dialektische Philosophie. Sie kamen zu dem Schluss, dass die systematische Auseinandersetzung mit den philosophischen Grundlagen innerhalb der kommunistischen Bewegung nur unzureichend stattfindet. Diese Leerstelle unserer Bewegung gilt es zu schließen. Um der Debatte einen Anstoß zu geben und die Auseinandersetzung wieder in Gang zu bringen, findet vom 13. bis 15. November eine Tagung statt. Unter dem Motto „Vom Nutzen des Dialektischen Materialismus für kommunistische Politik“ soll in der Karl-Liebknecht-Schule in Leverkusen diskutiert werden. Doch warum sollten wir uns mit Philosophie beschäftigen, wenn die politischen Herausforderungen so offensichtlich und dringlich sind? Weil sie keineswegs bloß eine sekundäre Angelegenheit ist. Die philosophischen Grundlagen unseres Denkens beeinflussen, wie wir die gesellschaftliche Wirklichkeit verstehen, ihre Widersprüche erkennen und politische Schlussfolgerungen ziehen. Der Dialektische Materialismus ist damit ein wesentlicher Baustein kommunistischer Politik. Dabei geht es ausdrücklich nicht darum, Theorie und Praxis in ein künstliches Konkurrenzverhältnis zu setzen. Beide stehen in einem dialektischen Verhältnis: Theorie ist jener Teil der politischen Praxis, der diese spiegelt und handlungsorientierend auf sie einwirkt. Zugleich ist die Theorie vollkommen abhängig von der politischen Praxis, denn die gesuchte Orientierung liegt in der stets sich verändernden Praxis verborgen. Daher darf die Philosophie nicht als abgeschlossenes Gedankengebäude verstanden werden. Das Programm für dieses Wochenende ist so gestaltet, dass ausreichend Zeit für Verständnisfragen und Rückfragen an die Referenten sowie für eine gemeinsame Diskussion bleibt. Umfangreiches Vorwissen wird nicht vorausgesetzt. Was zählt, ist die Bereitschaft zu einer offenen und produktiven Debatte. Selbstverständlich sind diejenigen willkommen, die zunächst einfach zuhören und die Gedanken auf sich wirken lassen möchten. Das Abschlusspodium greift im Sinne des politischen Charakters der Veranstaltung eine aktuelle Streitfrage auf: Vor dem Hintergrund unserer weltanschaulichen Grundlage und Methode behandeln wir die Einschätzung des Imperialismus. Die Analyse der internationalen Ordnung müssen wir in einer kontinuierlichen Auseinandersetzung behandeln. Das betrifft sowohl unsere Analysefähigkeit als auch die handlungsorientierenden Schlussfolgerungen. Die Frage, wen organisiert man gegen was und wofür, ist schließlich der Kern unseres Anliegens. @GabrielRockhill

“Critiquing what he calls “the anti-China academic complex” in the U.S. and West—a “propaganda behemoth established to inhibit free thinking and independent perceptions”—Ness [𝘋𝘪𝘢𝘭𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘊𝘩𝘪𝘯𝘦𝘴𝘦 𝘓𝘢𝘣𝘰𝘳: 𝘛𝘳𝘢𝘥𝘦 𝘜𝘯𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘴 𝘶𝘯𝘥𝘦𝘳 𝘔𝘢𝘳𝘬𝘦𝘵 𝘚𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘢𝘭𝘪𝘴𝘮] shows that, while trade unions are declining worldwide, the ACTFU has helped Chinese workers to achieve real wage growth, improvements to benefits and conditions on the job and labor rights in the workplace—on a much higher scale than American workers have achieved. [...] The misrepresentation of the success of Chinese labor unions compared to their U.S. counterparts fits with a pattern of anti-China discourse and jingoism in the U.S. that is helping to drive forward confrontational policies that could lead to war. In puncturing the official narrative about China, both Sautman [𝘛𝘦𝘭𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘛𝘢𝘭𝘭 𝘛𝘢𝘭𝘦𝘴: “𝘜𝘺𝘨𝘩𝘶𝘳 𝘎𝘦𝘯𝘰𝘤𝘪𝘥𝘦” 𝘢𝘴 𝘢 𝘗𝘰𝘭𝘪𝘵𝘪𝘤𝘢𝘭 𝘚𝘵𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘢𝘨𝘦𝘮] and Ness have performed a valuable public service that could lead to a change in public attitudes and foreign policy approaches if many people would read their books." mronline.org/2026/10/28/uygh…

“... Giorgia Meloni, chose to take a scholar … to court. ... [Luciano] Canfora had said of Meloni: “Being a neo-Nazi at heart, she immediately sided with the Ukrainian neo-Nazis, became a very important stateswoman, and is, of course, very happy in this role.” ... At a time when the far right now intends to dictate the political agenda in France, at a time when even the French “left” is so disoriented that it is uniting behind a program to supply arms to a neo-Bandera, pro-NATO Ukraine, it is time to understand what fascism is and why it is currently resurging.” 00:00:59 Le procès de Meloni contre Canfora 00:09:32 Le fascisme, d'hier à aujourd'hui 00:12:41 Caractéristiques du fascisme italien 00:18:10 Que pensait Churchill de Mussolini ? 00:33:14 Néofascisme et atlantisme 00:37:42 Le négationnisme historique 00:41:31 Nouvelles formes de fascisme LE FASCISME EST TOUJOURS PRÉSENT (livre de Luciano Canfora) - avec Aymeric Monville youtu.be/LqB9lTR6v0k?si=LbDO… via @YouTube

Unafraid of the State Apparatus: Mass Protests in France and Italy. By Raphaël Schmeller und Amelie E. Höcker. 𝘫𝘶𝘯𝘨𝘦 𝘞𝘦𝘭𝘵, 26 October 2026. Translated for 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘓𝘦𝘧𝘵 𝘊𝘩𝘢𝘱𝘵𝘦𝘳 by Helmut-Harry Loewen. Photo: Strasbourg, France, 24 October 2026 theleftchapter.com/post/unaf…