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On reflection I do wonder if, when you follow the money, and who benefits the most from the Ukraine debacle, if it wouldn’t be more correct to frame the conflict as a proxy war between the West and China. The first perhaps since Vietnam? A view that sees Russia as effectively a vassal state of China.
That if China is seeing conflict with the west ahead that they are, what’s the word for preparing the battlefield, getting things in place. You would want your proxy war, Russia/Ukraine, for example, to cause dissent, distrust, discord amongst the opposing faction, in this case the West.
That Trump, unknowingly or maybe knowingly (no, surely not?) is helping their cause, by causing the disintegration of that which has been the most successful alliance in history, NATO.
With many thanks to the nobility of the USA, for making it happen, funding it so with so much treasure, but that which is American exceptionalism, is the moral dimension to US actions, the ability to admit fault, to always improve, to want win-win outcomes, to support the downtrodden, at home and where possible abroad, and to offer them refuge from the storm in the American Dream.
Toby Low retweeted
theatlantic.com/ideas/2026/1… This essay on the true history of Zionism by Adam Kirsch is absolutely extraordinary - clarifying and powerful and obligatory reading - for Zionists, Jews who aren't sure and - especially - for anti-Zionists.
Toby Low retweeted
The most thorough response to the actual accusations in the NAZA documentary I've read. From an IDF officer, (name/rank/unit provided) in which we can validate he was a part of and observed the processes the documentary attempts to cover. yairmiron.com/media/yair-mir…
Toby Low retweeted
Before You Talk About Israel: Eight Things to Know
(1) It was not an “Arab country.”
In 1917 this was not a sovereign Arab nation-state but an Ottoman province with mixed populations—Arabs, Jews, Christians, Druze, Bedouin, Circassians, Armenians, Greeks, and others. Calling it “an Arab country” imposes a later nationalist framing onto a multiethnic administrative district that had never been an Arab state.
(2) Jews were not “dumped down” as aliens.
Jews had lived in the land continuously for thousands of years. Zionism didn’t implant a foreign population; it reassembled an indigenous one whose presence never ceased.
(3) Jewish refugees did not displace Arabs by conquest.
Before statehood, Jewish immigrants weren’t clearing villages by force. They bought land legally—often at high prices—from Arab and Turkish absentee landlords, and built on legally acquired property. The early Yishuv expanded through real estate and agriculture, not expulsion.
(4) Arab displacement happened during wars of annihilation launched by Arab armies.
The major dislocations of Arabs occurred during the wars of 1947–48, 1967, and 1973—wars initiated by surrounding Arab countries whose leaders explicitly sought to destroy the Jewish state. These were not imperial expansionist projects by Israel; they were defensive wars triggered by existential threats. Civilian flight, expulsions, and chaos happened in that context, not because Jews “arrived.”
(5) About 20% of Israel’s citizens today are Arab.
Roughly one-fifth of Israel’s population is Arab—mostly Muslim, with Christian and Druze minorities—with full citizenship, voting rights, legal equality, and representation in parliament. This reality contradicts the claim that Zionism aims to expel Arabs from the land.
(6) Israel has repeatedly traded land won in defensive wars for peace.
After 1967, Israel controlled Sinai, Gaza, the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and the Golan Heights. It later returned the entire Sinai Peninsula to Egypt in a land-for-peace treaty and fully withdrew. It did the same with Jordan in 1994. This is not the posture of a state committed to permanent conquest.
(7) Israel has accepted multiple two-state proposals.
From the 1947 UN Partition Plan, to Camp David in 2000, to the Clinton Parameters, to Olmert’s 2008 offer, Israel repeatedly accepted frameworks that would have created a Palestinian state. Palestinian leadership either rejected or let each one collapse.
(8) Israel literally left Gaza in 2005.
In 2005, Israel removed every soldier and every settler from Gaza—dismantling 21 settlements—in a unilateral move intended to create space for peace and Palestinian self-governance. What followed was Hamas’s violent takeover and a permanent rocket war.
Toby Low retweeted
George Galloway posted this photo today with the caption "What if this was your Dad? #Gaza."
This man is not in Gaza and he is not Palestinian. He is Syrian, like me.
His name is Mohammed Mohiedin Anis, known as Abu Omar. AFP photographer Joseph Eid took this photo in March 2017, in the ruins of Abu Omar's bedroom in al-Shaar, eastern Aleppo, the neighborhood devastated in the regime's 2016 offensive to retake the city. Abu Omar was a collector of antiques and vintage cars. The war took his home and most of his collection. He came back anyway, sat on his bed in the rubble, lit his pipe and played a record. The whole world knew this picture as the face of Aleppo's destruction.
And Galloway knows exactly who destroyed Aleppo, because he was on their payroll.
In 2012, Galloway began hosting a show on Al Mayadeen, the Beirut channel that has never disclosed its backers and is widely seen as the voice of Iran's "Axis of Resistance." He was reportedly paid around £3,000 an episode. He also presented on Iran's state channel Press TV, and spent nearly a decade on Putin's RT.
The Axis: the Islamic Republic of Iran, Hezbollah, the Iraqi militias, the Houthis and, until December 2024, the Assad regime. For over 13 years after the 2011 uprising, Assad survived only because the IRGC, Hezbollah and Russia fought his war for him. When the regime finally collapsed, he fled to Moscow and was granted "humanitarian" asylum. The same humanity he denied every Syrian he bombed.
Who doesn't remember the barrel bombs on bakeries and markets? The sarin in Ghouta and Khan Sheikhoun? The chlorine in Douma?
Galloway remembers. On his show he called Assad "the last bastion of Arab dignity." When Assad gassed Douma in 2018, Galloway pushed the "staged attack" conspiracy, even though the OPCW confirmed chlorine was used.
None of this is new. This is the man who stood before Saddam Hussein in 1994 and saluted his "courage" and "indefatigability." He was suspended from the House of Commons after an inquiry found strong circumstantial evidence that Saddam's regime, with his connivance, used the Oil-for-Food program, meant to feed starving Iraqi children, to fund his Mariam Appeal campaign.
In 2014 he declared Bradford an "Israel-free zone": no Israeli goods, no Israeli academics, not even Israeli tourists. Police logged it as a hate incident.
Last year he flew to Tehran to accept an award named after Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh, called him a "martyr," and boasted that his most treasured possession is Haniyeh's personal passport. Then he flew straight to Moscow to applaud Putin's Victory Day parade.
Today, the self-proclaimed anti-imperialist lives in what he calls "exile," broadcasting from Russia and China, lecturing the West about freedom.
This is not an honest mistake. It is the method of Galloway and his camp, and it is what they mean by "by any means necessary." When the truth doesn't serve the cause, you invent a new one. A Syrian father, ruined by Assad and his Iranian and Russian patrons, becomes a Gazan victim of Israel. The real killers get erased, and the propagandist who defended them on their payroll gets applause from a Western audience that never bothers to check.
Syrians remember who bombed Aleppo. They remember who went on TV to defend it.
Abu Omar is not your propaganda, shameless George.
@georgegalloway
Toby Low retweeted
UNRWA’s acting Commissioner General, Christian Saunders, is one of the few genuinely promising UN actors for Gaza’s post‑war, post‑Hamas future. He has said plainly that UNRWA’s Gaza presence should give way to new Palestinian institutions rather than another rebuilt UN bureaucracy.
He is ready to work with the Board of Peace, the incoming technocratic committee or NCAG, to move UNRWA’s 10,000‑plus employees into a new civil‑service infrastructure for a rebuilt Gaza. In my conversation with him, he was unequivocal: UNRWA will submit its entire staff to full security vetting against Western, US, Arab, Palestinian, and, critically, Israeli requirements and lists to purge anyone linked to Hamas or terror activity. He knows the pre‑October 7 status quo will never return. His priority is relieving Gazan suffering, and if that requires winding down UNRWA in a reconstructed Gaza, he accepts it.
This matters because UNRWA has long functioned as an aid monopoly and a pillar of a uniquely entrenched refugee narrative applied only to Palestinians. Its work must be compartmentalized; Gaza, the West Bank, and neighboring Arab states face different realities. Senior Trump administration officials I’ve spoken with agree on the need for compartmentalization even as they hold UNRWA responsible for allowing Hamas penetration and enabling the group’s entrenchment leading up to October 7.
A rare opportunity now exists to rebuild Gaza without the decades‑long segregation between “refugees” and “natives,” which has denied services to desperate Gazans simply because they fall outside UNRWA’s refugee designation. Saunders’ push faces resistance from some Arab countries and Palestinian actors who prefer preserving the refugee narrative, avoiding resettlement questions, and blocking pragmatic solutions.
For this reason, even UNRWA’s critics should support Saunders in ensuring Gaza is rebuilt without parallel systems and that UNRWA’s role in the Strip must end. The broader refugee question, how Palestinians and their descendants are designated and what UNRWA’s mandate should be, requires a political resolution anchored in the UN and the international community. It cannot be solved unilaterally by Israel, Saunders, the US, or anyone else.
Nevertheless, the emerging multilateral effort offers a generational chance to establish a new foundation for a transformed Gaza without UNRWA.
Toby Low retweeted
Europe keeps importing Hamas double agents and closeted loyalists who arrive claiming asylum, only to flip after October 7 and become loud promoters of the "resistance" narrative. Many turned out to be money launderers, instigators, sleeper cells, protest organizers, online inciters, and members of the worst activist circles. I have warned senior European officials at every level, including Prime Ministers, Defense, Foreign, and Interior Security Ministers.
Belgium, for example, has become a central Hamas hub in Europe, a place where operatives issue orders to Gaza to kidnap, torture, and harass Palestinians, including friends of mine. I have given authorities names, amounts, dates, bank accounts, tracking numbers, addresses, and more for Hamas-linked money launderers violating European law. Nothing happened.
So, surprise surprise, the UK granted asylum and then citizenship to a former bodyguard of Hamas’s slain leader, Ismail Haniyeh, who went on to plot a major al‑Qassam Brigades terror attack targeting Jewish sites in Berlin and Vienna.
Toby Low retweeted
Reminder for the retards: no one forced russia or the soviets to invade another country. Not in 1939 when the soviets invaded Poland and Finland. Not in 1940 when the soviets occupied and annexed Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. Not in 1956 when soviet tanks crushed Hungary. Not in 1968 when soviet-led Warsaw Pact forces invaded Czechoslovakia. Not in 1979 when the soviets invaded Afghanistan. Not in 1992 when russian forces directly intervened in Moldova’s Transnistria conflict. Not in 2008 when russian forces went deep into Georgia and occupied Georgian territory. Not in 2014 when russia seized and annexed Crimea and intervened militarily in eastern Ukraine. And not in 2022 when russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine.
And spare me the bullshit about russian “security guarantees” and promises.
In 1975, the soviets signed the Helsinki Final Act, committing themselves to the non-use of force, the inviolability of borders, territorial integrity and non-intervention.
In 1991, russia joined the Alma-Ata Declaration recognising the territorial integrity of the former soviet republics and the inviolability of their existing borders.
In 1994, russia signed the Budapest Memorandum, explicitly promising to respect Ukraine’s independence, sovereignty and existing borders and to refrain from the threat or use of force against it. Then it seized Crimea in 2014.
In 1997, russia signed the Treaty of Friendship with Ukraine, recognising the inviolability of their existing borders, renouncing territorial claims and committing itself to non-use of force.
In 1999, russia committed at the OSCE Istanbul summit to withdraw its remaining forces from Moldova by the end of 2002. It did not.
In 2003, russia signed a treaty formally establishing and recognising the russia-Ukraine state border.
In 2008, russia accepted the six-point Georgia ceasefire requiring russian forces to withdraw to the positions they held before hostilities. The Council of Europe subsequently documented delays and failures in implementing those obligations.
If you believe anything russia says, you are either paid by russia, retarded, or both.
Toby Low retweeted
Six months after an explosive device detonated near a Liège synagogue and a car was torched in Antwerp's Jewish quarter, Belgium confirms the attacks were ordered by Tehran
It’s not about Israel folks.
ynetnews.com/article/s1spzsh…
Toby Low retweeted
Is There Any Palestinian Leader Who Actually Wants to End the Conflict Once and for All?
Mahmoud Abbas, November 2012. Two interviews, two days apart.
Nov 1, Israel's Channel 2, in English:
"Palestine now for me is '67 borders, with East Jerusalem as its capital. This is now and forever."
"The West Bank and Gaza is Palestine. And the other parts is Israel."
On Safed, his birthplace, now in Israel: "It's my right to see it, but not to live there."
Nov 3, Egypt's Al-Hayat TV, in Arabic:
"Talking about Safed is a personal position and does not mean giving up the right of return."
"No one can give up the right of return."
He cited UN Resolution 194, which provides for return or compensation for those who choose not to return, and said return is the basis.
The right of return refers to Palestinian refugees and their descendants, estimated at around 5 million, returning to places now inside Israel - In practice, the elimination of its Jewish majority and the elimination of Israel.
Toby Low retweeted
乌克兰最近把一架相对完好迫降的俄军最新型“天竺葵-4”（Geran-4）无人机，当场大卸八块。
拆完之后，桌上摆着的零件，呈现出一个既荒谬又无比现实的真相：
整架号称打得乌克兰防空防不胜防的喷气大杀器，除了最外面的机壳和总装螺丝是俄罗斯自己拧的，
里面所有的关键器官，几乎全是从外面运进来的。
先看动力。
过去老款天竺葵-2用的是活塞螺旋桨，飞起来像拖拉机一样嗡嗡响，时速不到两百公里，乌克兰机动防空队开着皮卡架挺机枪就能拦截。
但这次拆开天竺葵-4，机腹里塞的是一台微型涡喷发动机。
飞行高度直接从四千米拔到了八千米，是老款的两倍；
巡航时速干到了四百五十到五百公里，甚至还能更快。
这玩意儿已经能从克里米亚起飞，一口气狂奔七百多公里，直接扎进乌克兰西北部的卢茨克。
谁造的？
拆开一看，中国产的微型涡喷。有些虽然标着俄罗斯组装，核心组件也全是中国货。
再看眼睛。
头部装了一套光电转塔，白昼、夜视、红外三合一。
十倍光学变焦，加三十二倍数码变焦。
八千米的高空往下看，地面车辆的轮廓一清二楚。
它根本不需要前线侦察兵冒死指引。操纵员哪怕坐在几百公里外的布良斯克、奥廖尔或者克里米亚的后方工位上，只要链路连着，就能像玩模拟器一样实时遥控它扑向目标。
那实时信号怎么传？
专家从机身里抠出了两个普通的 GSM 模块，上面插着民用电话卡。
更离奇的是，现场技术人员在这些残骸里，不仅翻出了俄罗斯和白俄罗斯的 SIM 卡，甚至还找到了乌克兰本土运营商、以及欧盟国家的流量卡。
无人机只要一过境，直接蹭乌克兰本地民用基站的网络，把自己的实时位置往回传。
万一飞进没有手机信号的荒郊野岭呢？
它还有备手。
拆解人员从里面掏出了一块来自中国的自组网 Mesh 调制解调器，通信半径三百公里。
几架天竺葵在空中编队飞，彼此之间能自动互相当中继，你传给我、我传给后方，直接在天上搭出一套无中心的移动局域网，几百公里外的视频画面照样掐不断。
最后拆到最值钱的机载电脑飞控板。
刮开主板上的涂层，芯片上的丝印虽然被磨去了一半，但剩下的英文字母依然清晰可辨：
Texas Instruments——美国德州仪器。
现场专家给了一句很冷酷的总结：
“这架飞机上真正属于俄罗斯制造的，就只有复合材料的机身外壳，以及最后的总装车间。”
这些零件最后运到鞑靼斯坦的阿拉布加（Alabuga）特区，工人们把壳子一合、螺丝一拧，就成了前线每天夜里呼啸而过的精确打击武器。
而根据乌克兰军情局的评估，像阿拉布加这样的工厂，现在每个月能量产大概三千架天竺葵-4和天竺葵-5。
打了四年多，制裁令签了一叠又一叠，结果最前沿的致命武器内部，流淌的依然是全球供应链的血液：
动力与通信来自成熟民用货架，核心控制芯片来自美国转道走私，连定位回传都在蹭对手基站的 SIM 卡。
这才是现代战争里最棘手的现实：
威权体制根本不需要在温室里从头研发一套自给自足的军工帝国。
只要民用消费级工业品在全球随处可买，只要洗钱通道和转口贸易依然处处漏风，
他们就能用极低的成本，把全世界的民用技术拼装成工业级的杀人工厂。
如果外部世界的制裁只盯着军品清单打补丁，却堵不住庞大的双用途灰色管涌，
这种廉价而致命的涡喷蜂群，在流水线上就很难真正停下来。
Toby Low retweeted
Hamas’s fascist rule in Gaza keeps tightening its grip on the poorest people in the enclave. It slaps huge taxes on anyone trying to earn even a few dollars to feed their family while providing nothing in return. A vegetable seller with a tiny stall was handed a municipal tax invoice for 9000, $3,000 USD, for one month in August of 2026. He is lucky if he clears $300 in that same period in sales. Intelligence reports and private research estimate that Hamas is pulling in $17 million per week by taxing commercial trucks and goods in Gaza.
This revenue stream is what sustains its control over 2 million Palestinians and keeps the group entrenched as the only power in the Strip. This must be confronted and reversed immediately, no matter what Hamas’s lawyers and apologists in Europe and the West claim. It is time to escalate pressure and wage an economic war against this jihadi anti-Palestinian terror organization.
Toby Low retweeted
I am happy to join 6,000 prominent scholars, legal experts to sign a letter rejecting Gaza genocide charge. jpost.com/israel-news/articl…
include historian Niall Ferguson, Israeli historian Benny Morris, Holocaust historian and former US Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Antisemitism Deborah Lipstadt, Tel Aviv University professor emerita and former Yad Vashem chief historian Dina Porat, historian and author Simon Sebag Montefiore, UCLA professor Judea Pearl, and Brandeis University professor emeritus Jonathan Sarna.
Toby Low retweeted
The Tale of Two Arab Journalists: At a diplomatic reception next to the United Nations, I was chatting with the deputy head of a UN delegation from a major nation in the Middle East about direct as well as cagey support for Hamas and its narratives, particularly outside of Gaza. A prominent Arab American journalist with whom I’m friendly walked by, and we conversed briefly with the deputy head of the delegation, after which the journalist asked me point-blank in a challenging tone: “Name one person who still supports Hamas.” I started talking about university students, elements of the “pro-Palestine” community, and influencers who play verbal gymnastics or express outright support for the terror group, to which he answered, “They don’t matter.”
Perhaps he meant that in a diplomatic context, no serious Arab or Western officials support Hamas, though I kept pushing back that public support for the group as part of the narrative and information warfare has a direct and linear impact on what diplomats and politicians can do and say. The gentleman also tried to argue that most Palestinians, including in Gaza, support the concept of the “resistance” which Hamas represents, something I immediately challenged as an out-of-date notion that is entirely divorced from what people in Gaza are thinking and saying about Hamas and the resistance narrative it has promulgated for decades. Soon after, he walked away.
In a beautiful, ironic twist, and almost immediately, a famous Arab journalist from the Middle East who knows me well came by and jokingly said, “I see you’re still talking about Hamas!” Hilariously, the same deputy head of the delegation with whom I was chatting asked this Arab journalist, “Does anyone still support Hamas?” to which he immediately answered, “Almost everybody outside of Gaza still does.” He said that the Arab public supports Hamas’s narratives, which in turn creates problems for Arab governments and diplomats. He also cited direct or indirect support for the terror group in diaspora Arab communities in the West, not to mention among a rising generation of non-Arabs in academia, politics, journalism, and NGOs.
This is exactly what I have been talking about for years: the disconnect between how the discourse is unfolding inside Gaza, and how it is registering for those in the diaspora communities with regard to their understanding of Palestinians in Gaza. Despite being loathed by Gazans for what it has done to them, Hamas has gone mainstream and been normalized in a horrific manner. Many Arab Americans, including Palestinian and Muslim Americans, unfortunately live in bubbles and don’t care to learn detailed, nuanced information about how much they’ve become players in a narrative warfare which is deeply harmful and destructive to the Palestinian people.
The aforementioned interaction was the perfect representation of two intelligent Arab journalists looking at the same issue fundamentally differently, because one wants to make a point as part of a narrative, while the other wants to make a difference as part of self-critique and a push for evolution that impacts policy and diplomacy.
Toby Low retweeted
Unlike @AbdulElSayed, I’m an Arab who is actually from Israel. My family lived through the establishment of the state of Israel and what he calls the “Nakba.” The Holocaust was nothing like the events of the “Nakba” where my grandfather was told to flee by Arab leaders (not Jews) so the Arabs could “defeat the Jews.” He refused, and all the Arab residents who stayed were given citizenship. Those who fled, a large number by choice, were not permitted to return, as often happens in war. That is a catastrophe, a “nakba” of their own making. But there was no choice in the Holocaust, there was no citizenship for those who stayed. You are intentionally comparing a war and a genocide. They are not the same.
Your vile attempt to co-opt the largest massacre of the Jewish people in history, the systematic murder of six million people simply because they were Jews, for your own dystopian pro-terror Muslim Brotherhood agenda is despicable. I see through you Abdul. You may be able to fool Western Americans with your garbage, but we know who you really are.
یا کذاب ابن کذاب
Toby Low retweeted
The phrase “two-state solution" has hit a wall of political paralysis.
For Israelis, the term has become politically radioactive in current geopolitical discourse.
For Palestinians, it has become synonymous with the corrupt, ineffective governance of the Palestinian Authority.
The framework itself has become so diluted that many can no longer fathom even discussing it.
It’s a branding problem.
Some advocates push, nobly, a “one-state” model - one state with equal rights for all.
But this ignores basic realities on the ground:
After decades of dispossession, Palestinians require a space in which they can express their unique national identity - while Israel will never voluntarily surrender its Jewish demographic majority.
A single state satisfies neither group's fundamental needs.
A more pragmatic framework is the “two-nation solution”.
It steps back from immediate border disputes to simply reaffirm a commitment to the need of two separate nations for two separate peoples.
This reframing recenters the conversation on the fundamental right of both Israelis and Palestinians to self-determination, security, and cultural expression, rather than toxic political branding.
Two nations can cooperate where necessary, but remain separate when needed.
Just because a two-state solution feels difficult to implement right now doesn't mean we abandon the principle of two self-determining peoples.
The "two-nation" framework keeps the two-state reality alive without getting trapped by its baggage, allowing Israelis and Palestinians to build a future defined by dignity, sovereignty, and realistic co-existence.
Toby Low retweeted
A Gazan journalist admits he filmed Israeli hostages being beaten on October 7, then deliberately hid the footage to protect the attackers from Israeli retaliation.
That is not passive observation. It means documenting abuse, possessing evidence, and choosing not to publish it because the perpetrators might be identified.
If the account is accurately quoted, the question is simple: why protect the perpetrators instead of exposing them?
instagram.com/p/DdnCiKEqzkp/…
Toby Low retweeted
If you (rightly) do not want to hold Palestinians collectively guilty for the actions of Hamas, why do you want to hold Jews collectively guilty for the actions of the Israeli government???
Toby Low retweeted
Both Palestinian and Israeli extremists have played a part in preventing peace.
Whether that was the assassination of Yitzhak Rabin, or Hamas' campaign of suicide bombings during the Second Intifada, there is blame to go around.
But moving forward is more important than blame.
Toby Low retweeted
Israel in an apartheid state - Arabs make up about 21% of Israel’s population.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab citizens of Israel can vote in national elections on the same legal basis as other Israeli citizens.
Israel in an apartheid state - Every vote has the same legal value. Israel’s parliamentary elections are required by law to be national, direct, equal, secret and proportional.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab citizens serve in Israel’s parliament. As of 2026, Arab and Druze lawmakers serve both in Arab-led political parties and in broader national parties.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab lawmakers can lead parliamentary committees. For example, Arab lawmaker Yasir Hujeirat currently chairs the parliament’s Science and Technology Committee.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab politicians have served as government ministers. Arab citizens have held cabinet-level positions in Israeli governments.
Israel in an apartheid state - An Arab political party has participated in an Israeli governing coalition. In 2021, the Arab party Ra’am became part of the coalition supporting Israel’s government.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab citizens also serve in major political parties that are not specifically Arab parties. Current examples include representatives in Likud, Yesh Atid, Yisrael Beitenu and other parties.
Israel in an apartheid state - Israel’s Declaration of Independence promises complete social and political equality to all citizens regardless of religion, race or sex. It also guarantees freedom of religion, conscience, language, education and culture.
Israel in an apartheid state - The Declaration of Independence specifically called on Arab residents to participate in building the country on the basis of “full and equal citizenship.”
Israel in an apartheid state - Arabic has legally recognized special status in Israel. Israeli law specifically protects the use and status of Arabic in dealings with government institutions.
Israel in an apartheid state - Non-Jewish citizens have the legal right to observe their own religious holidays and weekly days of rest.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab judges serve in Israel’s court system, including at the highest levels of the judiciary. Arab judges have served on Israel’s Supreme Court as well as lower courts.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab students are strongly represented in Israeli universities and colleges. More than 60,000 Arab students were enrolled in higher education in 2023–2024.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab students now make up about 20% of undergraduate students in Israel. Their share reached a record 20.4%, roughly matching their share of the overall population.
Israel in an apartheid state - The number and proportion of Arab university students have roughly doubled since 2009–10. The increase has occurred at bachelor’s, master’s and doctoral levels.
Israel in an apartheid state - Israel operates a large Arabic-language public-school system. Arab children can attend schools where Arabic is the main language of instruction.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab citizens play a major role in Israel’s healthcare system. The share of Arab doctors has risen substantially and is approaching their share of the population.
Israel in an apartheid state - Around 30% of new doctors entering Israel’s medical system are Arab.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab Israelis make up roughly one-third of pharmacists in Israel. This is higher than their share of the overall population.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab men and women work alongside Jewish Israelis throughout the healthcare system. Hospitals, clinics and pharmacies are among the most integrated workplaces in Israeli society.
Israel in an apartheid state - Arab women’s participation in the workforce has increased significantly. Among Arab women aged 25–54, labor-force participation reached about 50% in 2023.
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