Bangladesh Watch

From Promising Freedom of Expression to Arresting One Critic Every Week: Prime Minister Tarique Rahman’s Government Faces Growing Questions Over Its Commitment to Free Speech. Despite Prime Minister #TariqueRahman’s pre-election pledges to uphold citizens’ freedom of expression, particularly their right to criticise the government, his administration’s record since assuming office tells a very different story. Over the past eight months, at least 30 people have been arrested in #Bangladesh for criticising the #BNP government, the Prime Minister, his family members, ministers, or ruling party MPs. That amounts to approximately one arrest every week for speech critical of the government or the ruling party. The latest incident occurred on 25 October 2026, when Sathi Akhter, a small business owner in Bhaluka, Mymensingh, was arrested after expressing frustration over the deteriorating law-and-order situation and regret for voting for the BNP during a Facebook Live broadcast. According to a report by The Dacca, at least 50 people have been sued or arrested in connection with criticism of the BNP or its government since the party assumed power in February 2026. A closer examination of these cases reveals several disturbing patterns: 1. Ruling party activists frequently initiate complaints and facilitate illegal arrests: Cases are often lodged by leaders and activists of the BNP and its affiliated organisations, including Jubo Dal, Swechchhasebak Dal, and Chhatra Dal. Of the 50 people arrested or sued since February over speech critical of the BNP or its government, at least 18 were the subject of complaints filed by BNP leaders or members of its affiliated organisations. In at least ten incidents, ruling party activists themselves apprehended the individuals concerned before handing them over to the police. 2. Unrelated criminal charges being used to detain government critics: Where the allegedly objectionable speech is difficult to prosecute as a criminal offence, the authorities appear to have resorted to alternative charges. In at least seven cases, individuals who criticised the Prime Minister on social media were reportedly picked up over their posts, only to be subsequently shown as arrested in older, unrelated cases involving allegations under the Anti-Terrorism Act or vandalism. 3. The actual scale of arrests linked to political expression is considerably broader: Importantly, these figures do not include the scores of individuals detained under the Anti-#Terrorism Act for expressing support for the #AwamiLeague or chanting political slogans such as Joy Bangla. Nor do they include arrests under the Cyber Security Act, 2026. According to the Human Rights Support Society (HRSS), 61 people were arrested under the Cyber Security Act between March and August 2026, compared with just 17 during the corresponding period of the previous year. This represents an increase of approximately 259%. Although these arrests cannot all be categorised as cases involving criticism of the government, the sharp increase raises additional concerns about the use of criminal law to regulate expression. From Pre-Election Promises to Post-Election Repression Before the election, Tarique Rahman went so far as to share a cartoon depicting himself, apparently to demonstrate his willingness to tolerate criticism and encourage citizens to express their opinions freely. Eight months into his premiership, however, the emerging record presents a striking contradiction. Report: thedacca.com/one-arrest-a-we… … @hrw @amnestysasia @ESandersFCDO @StateDRL @article19org @Irenekhan @CIVICUSalliance

#Bangladesh’s Persistent #Mob #Violence: What the Data Shows. According to data from the Human Rights Culture Foundation, 537 incidents of mob violence occurred in Bangladesh between January 1 and October 17 this year, resulting in 256 deaths and 575 injuries, compared to 428 incidents in 2025 and 169 in 2024. Data from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), another human rights organisation, indicates that 171 people were killed in mob violence from January 1 to September 30 this year; the figures for 2024 and 2025 were 128 and 198, respectively. While methodologies for data collection and calculation may vary across different organizations, the data points to a similar scenario — mob violence has become a grave public security crisis for Bangladesh. And it is not stopping. Details: thediplomat.com/2026/10/bang… …

#Bangladesh’s Persistent #Mob #Violence: Siam Sarower Jamil writes for the @Diplomat_APAC. “Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, 2024, mob violence has assumed serious proportions in Bangladesh. Incidents range from individuals being beaten to death over allegations of religious blasphemy to attacks driven by personal vendettas or attempts to seize property. Mobs have indulged in vandalism and attacked shrines, newspaper offices and cultural organizations, national monuments, and memorials related to the 1971 liberation war, even exhuming bodies from graves. The recent killing of 38-year-old Wahiduzzaman Shamim in Satkhira in southwest Bangladesh on allegations of blasphemy and attacks on a charitable maternity clinic in the capital, Dhaka, have only deepened these concerns. After the exit of the Awami League government, the interim administration under Dr. Mohammad Yunus (August 2024-February 2026) failed to act effectively amid the deteriorating law and order situation.  Since February, Bangladesh has an elected government led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). However, mob violence persists. …There are allegations that leaders and activists from the ruling BNP are involved in incidents related to the seizure of property…Meanwhile, questions have been raised about the role of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, and its associates in mob violence linked to religious issues. The killing of 38-year-old Shamim in the name of protecting Islam is just one example…” Read More: thediplomat.com/2026/10/bang… …

#Bangladesh’s Int’l Crimes Tribunal: Two Years of Proceedings Raise Serious Questions About Judicial Independence. Since its reconstitution two years ago under the #Yunus-led Interim Government, #Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunals (ICTs) have delivered verdicts in seven cases concerning alleged crimes against humanity committed during the 2024 protests. However, a closer examination of the tribunals’ proceedings reveals a deeply troubling pattern that raises fundamental questions about judicial independence, due process, and the right to a fair trial. A Troubling Judicial Record More than 200 individuals have been detained or shown arrested on the tribunals’ orders, many under an arrest procedure that does not require evidence establishing the commission of a crime at the time of arrest. Yet, neither tribunal has granted bail to a single detainee. This is despite some individuals having spent more than two years in detention without formal charges, others being elderly or suffering from serious medical conditions, and serious questions surrounding the strength of the allegations against several detainees. The pattern extends well beyond bail decisions. The tribunals have reportedly never declined to take cognizance of a formal charge submitted by the prosecution. They have not rejected a prosecution application for the framing of charges, nor have they granted a single discharge application filed by the defence. Convictions have overwhelmingly characterised the completed trials. Every accused who has stood trial has been convicted of at least one offence; one, who turned approver, was later pardoned. Taken together, these outcomes raise an uncomfortable but unavoidable question: Are the tribunals independently assessing the prosecution's allegations and evidence, or have the proceedings become an exercise in securing predetermined outcomes? As journalist and commentator @TheDavidBergman observes: “A record like this does not prove that any individual decision was wrong. But it is fair to argue that a court that is genuinely weighing the evidence and assessing the law does not side with the prosecution on these contested questions, in every case, for two years”. See: counterpointbd.com/Justice-w… How did matters reach this point? Several institutional and structural factors appear to have contributed to a situation in which the administration of justice risks becoming subordinate to political considerations. First, the politicisation of the prosecution: The appointment of prosecutors with overt political affiliations, including individuals associated with #JamaatEIslami and the #BNP, raises legitimate questions about prosecutorial independence and impartiality. Rather than consistently demonstrating the professional detachment expected of prosecutors handling the gravest international crimes, the prosecution has appeared more concerned with political point-scoring, constructing narratives against political opponents, and pursuing retribution. Second, the appointment of judges with political affiliations, coupled with concerns over their lack of specialist experience in international criminal law, further undermines confidence in the tribunals' independence. Third, the absence of effective judicial safeguards and external scrutiny. Articles 47(3) and 47A of the Constitution of Bangladesh substantially restrict the constitutional rights and remedies ordinarily available to accused persons, including their ability to challenge tribunal proceedings before the Supreme Court. Consequently, crucial decisions concerning arrest, continued detention, bail, and the framing of charges are effectively insulated from independent constitutional judicial review before final judgment. … @SRjudgeslawyers @IBAHRI @justiceinfonet @OHCHRAsia @hrw @StateDRL @ESandersFCDO @amnestysasia

Weaponisation of #Blasphemy Allegations to Target #Hindus Continues in #Bangladesh: Hindu Youth Arrested on Questionable Charges in #Sunamganj; Three Hindu Homes Vandalised and Looted in #Rangpur. Allegations of blasphemy, particularly accusations of insulting #Islam or the Prophet, have long been weaponised to intimidate, persecute, and attack members of Bangladesh’s #Hindu minority. Such accusations have repeatedly served as a pretext for mob violence, arbitrary detention, and the vandalism and looting of private property. In some cases, they have even resulted in brutal mob lynchings. The allegations themselves are often treated as sufficient justification for punishment, with little regard for evidence, due process, or the fundamental rights of the accused. Two incidents reported on 26 October 2026 illustrate this disturbing pattern. Sunamganj: Hindu Youth Arrested Despite Earlier Complaint About Fake Social Media Accounts On 26 October 2026, a Hindu youth named Kripesh Roy was arrested and sent to jail in Tahirpur Upazila of Sunamganj district over allegations of making derogatory remarks about Islam. However, an important detail raises serious questions about the credibility of the accusations. Kripesh had reportedly filed a General Diary (GD) with the local police station before his arrest, alleging that unidentified individuals had created fake social media accounts impersonating him and members of his family and were using those accounts to circulate hateful content. Despite this prior complaint, Kripesh was arrested and imprisoned over the alleged offensive posts. Rangpur: Three Hindu Homes Attacked, Vandalised and Looted On the same day, three homes belonging to Hindu families were reportedly attacked, vandalised, and looted in Pirganj Upazila of Rangpur district following allegations of insulting Islam. What makes this incident particularly disturbing is that the blasphemy allegations were not even directed against the Hindu families whose homes were targeted. Their apparent misfortune was simply living near the individual accused of making the allegedly offensive remarks. Yet their homes became targets of collective punishment, exposing how easily religious allegations can be exploited to unleash violence against vulnerable minority communities, including people with no connection whatsoever to the original accusation. These incidents highlight a broader and deeply troubling problem in Bangladesh: the ease with which unverified allegations of religious offence can be turned into instruments of intimidation, persecution, and violence, especially targeting vulnerable religious minority communities. The authorities must ensure impartial investigations, protect those facing threats, hold perpetrators of violence and property destruction accountable, and prevent the criminal justice system from becoming an instrument of religious persecution. No allegation of religious offence can justify mob violence, arbitrary detention, or collective punishment. The protection of religious minorities is not an act of charity; it is a fundamental obligation of the state. Report: dw.com/bn/%E0%A6%A7%E0%A6%B0… .. @hrw @amnestysasia @StateIRF @USCIRF @StateDRL @BobBlackman @CJBdingo25 @Chellaney @paulocasaca1 @nadinemaenza @NazilaGhanea @ESandersFCDO

Former PM #SheikhHasina Submits Communication to #UN Special Rapporteurs Regarding #AwamiLeague Ban in #Bangladesh. Former Prime Minister and President of the Awami League, Sheikh Hasina, has submitted a communication to the UN Special Rapporteurs raising serious concerns about the ongoing ban of the Awami League in Bangladesh. The communication sets out how the ban, initially imposed by the #Yunus-led Interim Government, has not only been maintained but formalised by the new #BNP Government of #TariqueRahman. The BNP itself gained power in February 2026 following elections in which the Awami League was not permitted to participate, notwithstanding significant support in Bangladesh for them to do so, resulting in elections that were not free, fair or all-inclusive and calling into question the legitimacy of the results. The communication sets out how the ongoing ban places Bangladesh in the constitutionally untenable position of attempting to hold #elections and consolidate democratic government while a major political party and its affiliates remain legally prohibited from participating in elections, effectively disenfranchising a large proportion of the population of Bangladesh. It explains how it has been difficult for the Awami League to challenge the ban in the courts of Bangladesh as the ban itself and the ongoing attacks on supporters of the Awami League has made it difficult to instruct lawyers and pursue such a complaint. The ongoing ban, it is said, amounts to violations of Articles 19 (Freedom of expression), 21 (Freedom of peaceful assembly), 22 (Freedom of association), and 25 (which guarantees ‘political rights’). The communication explains how the ban is not prescribed by law as it has been imposed by a government itself in power following flawed elections, has no legitimate aim and itself forms part of ongoing attacks against members of the Awami League and those associated with it, is not proportionate and lacks safeguards. The communication calls upon the UN Special Rapporteurs to take urgent action and issue a public statement calling for free, fair and inclusive elections in Bangladesh. @sspowles KC submitted the communication on behalf of Sheikh Hasina. (The communication has been addressed to the following UN Special Rapporteurs: Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights While Countering Terrorism, Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and Association, and the Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order). Source: matrixlaw.co.uk/news/appeal-… … @volker_turk @UN_SPExperts @MatrixChambers @StateDRL @ESandersFCDO @amnestysasia @hrw @UNinBangladesh

BNP Activists Attack #CPB Office in #Dhaka's Purana Paltan; Two CPB Supporters Injured. The office of the Communist Party of #Bangladesh (CPB) in Dhaka's Purana Paltan came under attack on the night of 26 October by leaders and activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP) and its affiliated organisations, including Jubo Dal and Chhatra Dal. According to CPB and its affiliated orgs, the attackers sought to justify their actions by branding the CPB and its supporters as allies of the #AwamiLeague. The attack left two members of Jubo Union, the CPB-affiliated youth organisation, injured. Police, rather than take action against the ruling party thugs, denied that an attack or injuries had occurred, and in fact detained two CPB supporters. Source: tbsnews.net/bangladesh/cpb-o… The incident is another disturbing example of the political intolerance and violence that have increasingly characterised Bangladesh's post August 2024 political landscape. Over the past two years, political parties outside the dominant right-wing political establishment have faced systematic intimidation, attacks, harassment and restrictions on their political activities. The Awami League has borne the brunt of this campaign. Party offices across the country, numbering in the hundreds, have been vandalised, torched, looted or forcibly occupied. Its leaders, activists and supporters have faced widespread arrests, criminal cases and political persecution. Nor has the violence been confined to the Awami League. The Jatiya Party (JP) has repeatedly faced attacks on its offices and political activities. The Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JASAD) and the Workers Party of Bangladesh have also faced political intimidation, attacks, criminal cases and arbitrary detention. The latest attack on the CPB office demonstrates how the mere allegation of association with the Awami League can be weaponised to justify violence against another political organisation. An increasingly disturbing pattern is emerging: political participation appears to be tolerated only for parties belonging to the "right" of the political spectrum. Under the successive #Yunus and #Tarique-led administrations, the political space has been exclusively dominated by BNP, #JamaatEIslami and their allies, while parties outside this ideological spectrum face intimidation, restrictions and, in some cases, outright prohibition. The result is a deeply exclusionary political environment in which around half the population are effectively denied meaningful political representation. Freedom of association, peaceful assembly and political expression cannot be privileges reserved for parties acceptable to those in power. These are fundamental civil and political rights that must extend equally to all citizens, regardless of their political beliefs or affiliations. A #democracy cannot function when one segment of the political spectrum enjoys the freedom to organise, campaign and contest political power while its opponents are silenced through legal restrictions, intimidation and violence. ... @Ginitastar @PearsonElaine @hrw @amnestysasia @AgnesCallamard @volker_turk @StateDRL @State_SCA @ESandersFCDO

#Bangladesh : Woman Detained for Criticising #BNP Government on Facebook Live. Is Criticising the Government Now a Punishable Offence? A female entrepreneur in Bhaluka, #Mymensingh, was detained on Sunday (25 October) after criticising the deteriorating law and order situation and the ruling #BNP during a Facebook Live broadcast. Sathi Akter, owner of Sathi Beauty Parlour, had reportedly suffered repeated thefts at her business establishments. Frustrated by the worsening security situation, she went live on Facebook to question the government's failure to maintain law and order. She also expressed regret over voting for the BNP. Her criticism apparently did not sit well with local BNP activists and supporters, who apprehended her and handed her over to the police. Think about the implications: A woman complains about repeated thefts at her businesses, questions the government's performance, and regrets her voting choice. Instead of addressing her grievances, political activists detain her and hand her over to law enforcement. Since when did criticising the government become a crime? And what legal authority do ruling-party activists have to apprehend citizens for expressing political opinions? Freedom of expression means little if citizens cannot criticise those in power without fear of retaliation. News: newagebd.net/post/politics/3… .... @Irenekhan @UN_SPExperts @OHCHRAsia @volker_turk @hrw @amnestysasia @ESandersFCDO @PearsonElaine @BonaveroIHR @CIVICUSalliance @meeganguly

#Bangladesh's Top #Cop Openly Advocates Extrajudicial Killings in the Name of Maintaining Law and Order. "If the government allows, we won't hesitate to use crossfire to control the law and order situation." This alarming statement was reportedly made by Bangladesh's Inspector General of #Police (IGP), Md. Ali Hossain Fakir, at an event in #Chattogram on Monday, 26 October 2026. Source: @dbcnews_tv In Bangladesh, the term "crossfire" has long been associated with a notorious practice of extrajudicial killings, in which deaths at the hands of law enforcement agencies are presented as the consequences of supposed armed encounters or exchanges of gunfire. The term is not merely a euphemism. It carries a deeply troubling history of alleged summary executions, fabricated encounters, and the systematic denial of due process and accountability. Against this backdrop, the IGP's remarks amount to an apparent endorsement of extrajudicial killings by the country's highest-ranking police official, subject only to government authorisation. This raises a fundamental question: Since when does government permission make an extrajudicial killing lawful? No government can legitimately authorise law enforcement agencies to bypass the courts and execute individuals suspected of criminal activity. The right to life, the presumption of innocence, and the right to a fair trial are fundamental legal protections, not privileges that can be suspended at the discretion of the executive. Beyond the grave #humanrights implications, there is no credible basis for treating extrajudicial killings as an effective or sustainable solution to deteriorating law and order. Such practices risk encouraging impunity, undermining public trust in the police, and further weakening the rule of law. Rather than advocating a return to a discredited and abusive practice, the IGP should focus on addressing the structural problems undermining law enforcement in Bangladesh. These include the lack of professionalism within policing institutions, overt political interference, #corruption, weak #accountability mechanisms, misuse of law enforcement resources to target political opponents of the government, and failures in criminal investigation and prosecution. Bangladesh does not need more extrajudicial killings. It needs professional, impartial, accountable, and effective law enforcement. #Bangladesh #HumanRights #RuleOfLaw #ExtrajudicialKillings @hrw @amnestysasia @IBAHRI @ESandersFCDO @Kennedy_HRC @SRjudgeslawyers @omctorg

#JamaatEIslami Activists Obstruct Funeral and Burial of Liberation War Veteran Manik Posari in #Pirojpur. In a deeply disturbing incident, activists and supporters of Jamaat obstructed the funeral and burial arrangements of Manik Posari, a veteran of #Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, in Pirojpur on Saturday. Posari was also the complainant in a crimes against humanity case against former Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, who was convicted by the Int'l Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in February 2013. Forced to Leave Home in Aug-2024 Following the political upheaval in August 2024, Posari reportedly faced threats and intimidation from Jamaat supporters, making it unsafe for him to continue living at his ancestral home in Pirojpur. He subsequently took refuge in #Gopalganj, where he reportedly remained until his death. Jamaat Activists Oppose State Honours for Freedom Fighter On Saturday, Posari's body was brought from #Tungipara in Gopalganj to the Pirojpur Sadar Upazila Parishad premises around noon, where arrangements had been made to accord him a state guard of honour in recognition of his service during the Liberation War. However, local Jamaat leaders, activists and supporters reportedly gathered at the venue and obstructed the ceremony, opposing the granting of state honours to the deceased freedom fighter. With tensions escalating, police were forced to relocate the body to the Pirojpur Police Lines, where Posari was eventually accorded a guard of honour around 5:00 pm under tight security. Jamaat Supporters Allegedly Fill in Grave Prepared for Burial The intimidation reportedly continued even after the guard of honour. A grave prepared for Posari's burial in his ancestral village of Chithalia was allegedly filled in by Jamaat supporters on Saturday evening. According to Posari's sister, Hasina Begum, the group chanted slogans while filling in the freshly dug grave, effectively preventing the family from proceeding with the burial as planned. The act of desecrating a prepared burial site further heightened fears among family members and local residents. Burial Finally Completed Around 1.00 am Under Police Protection Around midnight, police escorted Posari's body to his family residence. His burial was finally completed approximately an hour later, after the grave had been re-excavated, under tight police security. The atmosphere of intimidation reportedly prevented many of his relatives, friends and well-wishers from attending the final rites. According to accounts of the incident, only his wife and sister were present among his closest family members, alongside police personnel and a small number of local residents. A Disturbing Trend of Intolerance Towards Liberation War Veterans The reported obstruction of Manik Posari's funeral raises serious questions about the security, dignity and treatment of Bangladesh's Liberation War veterans in post-August 2024 Bangladesh, particularly those who participated in legal proceedings concerning crimes committed during the 1971 war. Posari had already reportedly been forced to leave his home because of threats following the August 2024 political upheaval. That he was denied even a peaceful farewell in his ancestral village underscores the gravity of the intimidation faced by him and his family. News: thedailystar.net/news/news/s… ...

Former Jubo League leader dies in #Bogura under prison #custody; Family alleges #negligence in medical care. A former local-level Jubo League leader in Bogura, who was in prison, died while undergoing treatment at Shaheed Ziaur Rahman Medical College Hospital on Thursday night. The deceased, 48 y/o Sohrab Hossain, was a former general secretary of the Dhunat municipal unit of Jubo League, Awami League's youth wing. He was detained since August 2. Sohrab’s family members alleged negligence in providing him with medical care while in custody. His wife alleged her husband had been suffering from long-standing illnesses but did not receive adequate medical attention in prison. She also claimed that negligence continued even after he was taken to hospital shortly before his death. News: newagebd.net/post/country/31… ...

Female Awami League leader Suma found slaughtered in #Keraniganj, as #Bangladesh continues to grapple with deadly levels of political #violence. A local leader of Jubo Mohila League, the female youth wing of #AwamiLeague, was found slaughtered in her flat in Keraniganj on the outskirts of #Dhaka on Friday morning. The victim, Dalia Akter Suma, 50, was the president of the Basta union unit of Jubo Mohila League under South Keraniganj Police Station. She used to teach at a local primary school on a part-time basis. Police recovered Suma’s mutilated, blood-stained body from her flat on the 2nd floor of Monwara Plaza in the Rasulpur Bazar area. News: dhakatribune.com/amp/banglad… ...

More than 15,000 #Bangladeshis in #prisons abroad; nearly half are in #SaudiArabia. Embassies offer little to no help, reveals a new @dailystarnews report. According to country-wise figures obtained by the Daily Star from the @BDMOFA, 15,213 Bangladeshis are being held in prisons abroad, with the highest number in Saudi Arabia, followed by #Malaysia and #India. Around 7,500 Bangladeshis are being held in prisons across Saudi Arabia, with 5,480 detainees in #Jeddah alone. While some are accused of serious criminal offences, others have been detained for immigration violations, including overstaying visas or lacking valid documents. Families of detainees allege that they struggle to obtain necessary assistance from the Bangladeshi diplomatic missions. One such example is the arrest of three brothers on trumped up charges of "protesting" in Saudi Arabia. They alleged that during the nine months in Saudi detention, they repeatedly sought help from the embassy, but was turned away every time. Questions over lack of adequate consular assistance have emerged following the execution of two Bangladeshis in Saudi Arabia on October 14. A confidential memorandum from the Bangladesh mission in Jeddah revealed that the names of Nazrul Islam and Sweety Akhtar were included in a prisoner list received on Sep 30, but it made no mention of their death sentences. It remains unclear whether the mission followed up on their legal status during the two weeks between receiving the list and their executions. Human Rights Forum Bangladesh (HRFB) has called for an independent review of the mission’s role, raising similar concerns about the lack of follow-up. The Bangladesh government now plans to make a database of its nationals in prisons abroad. But that is merely the first step, and so much more needs to be done. Shariful Hasan, associate director of BRAC's #Migration Programme, said that legal assistance and protection for detainees is the minimum duty of the missions. He added that those who are arrested on criminal charges (as opposed to mere immigration issues) should be assessed separately, with appropriate legal assistance, repatriation support, and post-return rehabiliation measures. Report: thedailystar.net/news/bangla… ...

Bangladesh’s Mob Violence Crisis: Political Patronage, Police Inaction and the Absence of Accountability - @bbcbangla report. #Bangladesh continues to struggle with widespread #mob #violence. At times, allegations of blasphemy are weaponised to beat people to death. At other times, entire healthcare facilities are demolished to serve personal interests. From religiously motivated lynchings to violent attacks on public institutions and the destruction of private property, mob violence has become a deeply troubling feature of Bangladesh’s deteriorating law and order situation. The latest such incident occurred in Satkhira, where a young man named Shamim, who reportedly had longstanding mental health issues, was brutally beaten to death by a mob following allegations of #blasphemy circulated on social media. His family has alleged the involvement of local leaders and activists of #JamaatEIslami in what they described as a planned attack. Just days earlier, allegations emerged concerning the involvement of #BNP lawmaker Ferdousi Ahmed Mishti in the demolition of a healthcare facility providing free medical services in #Dhaka’s Mirpur. These are hardly isolated incidents. Successive episodes of mob violence have unfolded across the country, including at universities, government offices, the Secretariat and even court premises. According to #humanrights organisation Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), at least 171 people were killed in mob violence between January and September 2026. For comparison, 128 people were killed in such incidents during the corresponding period in 2024, while the death toll was 198 in 2025. BNP, Jamaat and NCP Involvement Alleged Perhaps the most disturbing aspect of this continuing violence is the alleged involvement of political leaders and activists associated with both the ruling party and opposition groups. In a BBC Bangla report, ASK Chief Executive Saidur Rahman identified two broad patterns of political involvement in mob violence. According to Rahman, incidents involving the destruction, occupation or forcible seizure of property frequently feature individuals associated with the ruling Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP). On the other hand, religiously motivated mob violence, particularly attacks targeting secular individuals and religious minorities, often involves individuals associated with Jamaat. Rahman also questioned the identity of groups operating under the banner of “Touhidi Jonota” (the religious masses), a label frequently associated with religiously motivated mob mobilisation. According to his assessment, individuals involved in such violence are often Jamaat activists and supporters operating under a supposedly non-partisan religious banner. He further alleged that some individuals associated with the National Citizen Party (#NCP) are also involved. These observations raise a particularly serious concern: mob violence is not merely a spontaneous breakdown of public order but, in some cases, appears to be facilitated or exploited by organised political interests. Government Promises, Police Inaction and Political Expediency Over the past eight months, Home Minister Salahuddin Ahmed has repeatedly pledged to end Bangladesh's notorious “mob culture”. Yet those promises have not translated into meaningful improvements on the ground. According to Saidur Rahman, one major reason for the government's failure to confront the crisis is its reluctance to antagonise opposition political forces. Consequently, law enforcement agencies remain largely inactive, allowing perpetrators to operate with apparent impunity. Mob Rule Cannot Coexist With the Rule of Law The only effective way to reverse this destructive trend is to identify those responsible, arrest them, bring them before the courts and ensure accountability through lawful prosecution and punishment. … @amnestysasia @hrw @ESandersFCDO @OHCHRAsia @StateDRL @EURightsAgency @BonaveroIHR @UNODC

On 12 October 2026, #humanrights defender Shampa Goswami learned that a #sedition case had been filed against her under Section 124A of the Penal Code of #Bangladesh. At present, she faces an imminent risk of arrest - @FrontLineHRD warns. Shampa Goswami is a woman human rights defender and the Executive Director of PRERONA based in #Satkhira district. The org. works on women's rights, the rights of marginalised communities, human rights, climate change, livelihoods, education and disaster management in the coastal district. She has faced threats, harassment and pressure because of her rights-based work for more than a decade. The forms of pressure have changed over time, but the harassment has repeatedly returned. In an urgent call to action, FLD expressed deep concerns at the imminent risk of arrest for Shampa Goswami and the sedition case filed against her, which seems to be directly connected with her peaceful human rights activities. The organisation reiterated its concern that such measures form part of a prolonged pattern of harassment that has been documented against her, aimed at obstructing her legitimate human rights work. FLD called on the authorities in Bangladesh to: - Drop all criminal investigations into Shampa Goswami; - Ensure that all forms of harassment against Shampa Goswami, her family and the PRERONA org., cease; - Guarantee in all circumstances that all HRDs in Bangladesh are able to carry out their peaceful and legitimate human rights activities without fear of reprisals and free from arbitrary restrictions, including judicial and administrative harassment. Details: frontlinedefenders.org/en/ca… ... @hrw @amnestysasia @StateDRL @OHCHRAsia @ESandersFCDO

Sharp Rise in #Political and #Mob #Violence in #Bangladesh in the Last Three Months: HRSS. Between July and September this year, 17 people were killed and 1,227 injured in 183 incidents of political violence in Bangladesh. This was a 12 percent increase in the number of incidents in the same period last year. Mob violence also rose sharply by almost 40%, from 98 to 137. This was reported by the human rights organisation Human Rights Support Society (HRSS) in their quarterly report published on 12 October, 2026. More: thediplomat.com/2026/10/what…

#Journalist shot dead in #Netrokona: The Int’l Federation of Journalists (#IFJ) condemns the brutal killing and calls for an urgent and thorough investigation. Unidentified gunmen shot and killed journalist Lutfozzaman Fakir Alif at Uttarail Bazar in Netrokona, #Bangladesh on October 15. Alif, the Netrokona correspondent for private media Internet Protocol Television’s (IPTV) channel Ruposhi Bangla, was fatally shot by two unidentified gunmen at around 8pm as he sat at a shop in the marketplace on the Shyamganj-Birishiri road in Netrokona in Kalkamanda Municipality. As well as working with IPTV, Alif also ran the Facebook page “Detective Article”, where he investigated and published stories on suspected corruption, irregularities and crime. The week of his murder, Alif had allegedly posted some investigations into drug-trafficking and local smuggling networks. The journalist survived a previous targeted attack on November 10, 2025, when he was hacked with a knife near Teribazar Ghat on the Someshwari River in Durgapur. The attackers in that incident are still yet to be identified. @IFJGlobal General Secretary, Anthony Bellanger, said: “The brutal murder of journalist Lutfozzaman Fakir Alif is a direct and horrifying assault on press freedom. Despite its democratic transition, Bangladesh remains a deadly space for media workers with rampant impunity for crimes against journalists.” Statement: ifj.org/media-centre/news/de… … @CPJAsia @RSF_inter @MediaFreedomC @pressfreedom @CIVICUSalliance @article19org @hrw @amnestysasia @OHCHRAsia @Irenekhan @ESandersFCDO @ifjasiapacific

State Minister Ishraque’s Vigilante-Style Anti-Drug Raid Raises Serious Questions About the Rule of Law in #Bangladesh. It was a scene straight out of an action movie: State Minister Ishraque Hossain chasing suspected drug users and low-level drug dealers through the streets of #Dhaka, accompanied by an armed entourage, while brandishing a small firearm himself. But this was no conventional anti-drug operation conducted by law enforcement agencies. Instead, it appeared to be a vigilante-style raid led by a serving government minister, accompanied by a group of armed associates. Videos and images of yesterday’s (17 October) incident in Dhaka’s #Gandaria neighbourhood have since gone viral, raising serious questions about the minister’s conduct and the apparent disregard for established law enforcement procedures. The most obvious question is: Why is a government minister personally conducting armed raids, a responsibility that belongs to duly authorised law enforcement agencies? Ishraque Hossain is the local Member of Parliament and State Minister for Liberation War Affairs. Neither his parliamentary position nor his ministerial portfolio gives him the authority to personally conduct armed anti-drug operations. Even more remarkably, Ishraque himself uploaded videos of the operation to his verified Facebook page at approximately 5:15 pm yesterday, apparently presenting the episode as an achievement. News: thedailystar.net/news/bangla… The footage has prompted widespread questions on social media about the open display of firearms, the legality of the operation, the apparent involvement of private armed associates, and the minister's willingness to take law enforcement into his own hands. The larger issue is not whether drug-related crimes should be tackled. They absolutely should. The question is whether a government minister can bypass established legal procedures and assume the powers of the police simply because he holds public office. Such conduct raises fundamental concerns about the rule of law, the limits of executive authority, and the accountability of public officials. Ministers are expected to uphold the law and strengthen the institutions responsible for enforcing it, not substitute themselves and their personal entourages for those institutions. At a time when public concerns about rising crime and the effectiveness of law enforcement are already mounting, this extraordinary episode raises an even more troubling question: If a serving minister resorts to vigilante-style policing, what does that say about the state of law enforcement and the rule of law in Bangladesh under Prime Minister #TariqueRahman's government? …

Family of Shamim, Lynched by an #Islamist Mob Over Alleged #Blasphemy in Satkhira, Alleges Involvement of Local #Jamaat, Reports @bbcbangla. Wahiduzzaman Shamim was killed following repeated attacks by an Islamist mob on the night of 13 October in Debhata, #Satkhira, over allegations that he had insulted #Islam. While the incident was initially portrayed as a spontaneous outburst of anger by religious fundamentalists, Shamim's family has alleged that local leaders and supporters of #JamaatEIslami played a central role in what they describe as a "planned attack." Speaking to BBC Bangla, Shamim's brother, Tausif Rahman Shagor, alleged that the initial attack on Shamim, which took place at the family's home, was instigated by local Jamaat leaders and workers who circulated an allegedly fake audio recording to incite the mob. Law Enforcement's Response Raises Serious Questions Shamim, who reportedly had a longstanding history of psychological difficulties, was subjected to three separate attacks before his death. Following the initial assault at his home, he was attacked again by a mob at a local doctor's chamber. Police subsequently rescued him in an injured condition and transported him to the Upazila Health Complex, where he was attacked for a third and final time. The circumstances surrounding these repeated attacks raise serious questions about the failure of law enforcement authorities to protect Shamim, particularly after the police had already intervened and taken him into their care. How was a man who had already survived two mob attacks allowed to be assaulted a third time, this time at a healthcare facility, after being rescued by the police? Shamim's family has therefore, understandably questioned why the authorities failed to prevent the subsequent attacks, despite clear and repeated threats to his life. Further undermining confidence in the police response is the reported failure to register a criminal case as of the night of 15 October, despite allegations that several of the attackers were locally known and identifiable. The allegations of organised political involvement, the repeated failure to protect a vulnerable individual, and the apparent delay in initiating criminal proceedings demand an immediate, impartial, and transparent investigation. No accusation of blasphemy can justify mob violence, much less murder. The state's obligation to protect life does not disappear when an individual is accused of offending religious sentiments. BBC Bangla Report: bbc.com/bengali/articles/cq3… ... @FOREF_EU @nadinemaenza @NazilaGhanea @OHCHRAsia @hrw @amnestysasia @ESandersFCDO @USCIRF @StateIRF @Chellaney @CJBdingo25 @omctorg @BonaveroIHR @Kennedy_HRC @humanrightsasia @MinoritiesSouth