Aarushi Kalra (@chidiya_) header
Aarushi Kalra (@chidiya_) profile picture

Associate Professor of Economics at Oxford || co-founder @BahujanEcon ||

Oxford, England
Joined July 2014
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
Please to speak up and share in solidarity. If IFF's account disappears from X we may not be able to reach in future.
Delhi Police asks X to take down IFF's account and posts. IFF will challenge the notices in court unless they are withdrawn. The Delhi Police has asked X to remove the Internet Freedom Foundation's account, six of its posts, the accounts of SFLC and @geoblockedindia, and posts by 16 other users, on the ground that they defame the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The posts document and comment on a legal notice sent in the RSS's name to IFF, SFLC and @geoblockedindia, which demanded that the three stop criticising and documenting government blocking orders. IFF received copies of the two police notices from X on the morning of 3 November 2026. IFF calls on the Delhi Police to withdraw both notices. If they are not withdrawn, IFF will challenge them in court. What has happened On 29 October 2026 at 9:54 PM, IFF, SFLC and the operator of @geoblockedindia received a two-page "legal notice" said to be issued on behalf of the RSS. It asked the three to stop opposing the government's blocking directions, stop documenting restricted content, stop posting details of geo-blocked posts, and confirm in writing within seven days that they would comply. It was signed by an unnamed "Authorised Signatory". Several RSS office-bearers have since said on X that the notice is not authentic. IFF replied to the notice, wrote to the RSS at its official address asking whether it had authorised it, and published both the notice and its reply on 30 October. On 31 October 2026 at 8:06 PM, the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime), Delhi Police, filed an "Illegal Content Report" with X (reference LD-321926). It listed two posts: IFF's post of 30 October on the notice, and SFLC post of the same day. The stated reason was that the posts are "defamatory towards the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh under Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023". The boxes for "safety/security", "defamation" and "other" were ticked. The fields for the nature of the court order and court order details were left empty. The desired action was "Remove/withhold content". On 1 November 2026, a second notice arrived in the RSS's name. It said the matter had been handed to the Akhil Bharatiya Adhivakta Parishad, that complaints had been filed in several states, and that requests had been made to block IFF's X account and suspend the organisations. The Delhi Police had made its first request to X the previous evening. IFF did not know this until X told it on 3 November. On 2 November 2026 at 8:51 AM, the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) filed a second notice with X (reference LD-322956). It lists 40 URLs. Thirty-seven are posts. Three are the entire accounts of @internetfreedom, @SFLCin and @geoblockedindia. This time the boxes for "Hate speech", "defamation", "safety/security", "enforcement of court order" and "other" were all ticked. The court order fields were again left empty. The stated reason reads: "The posts constitute defamation and illegal content under Section 356 BNS. Under Rule 3(1)(d) of the IT Rules, 2021, read with Section 79(3)(b) IT Act, lawful notices require action within 3 hours." The 16 other users are @ProdctiveUseful, @PanjwaniManoj, @jidge_, @RatanSharda55, @baxiabhishek, @SchrdingersDbag, @ashleshbiradar, @seemay, @NasirHussainINC, @Being_creat_ive, @AjoyDharmavaram, @othlaw, @_ananyaaa, @AimPoojaind, @incorigibleBhai and @rraoind. Their posts, as far as IFF can tell, comment on the notice or on the notice about it. X forwarded both notice to IFF on 3 November 2026, at 8:47 AM and 10:03 AM, saying it was doing so "in the interest of transparency" and that IFF may wish to seek legal counsel and challenge the request in court. X's emails do not say that it has acted on the requests. The Delhi Police has not written to IFF, and no court has been approached, as far as the reports disclose. SFLC and @geoblockedindia have separately reported notifications from X about requests from the Uttar Pradesh Police, the Telangana Police and the Delhi Police's Cyber Crime unit, one of them against the whole of the @geoblockedindia account. IFF's position IFF condemns this legal action. A police force has made itself the enforcement arm of a private legal notice whose authenticity the organisation it names has not confirmed, and whose demand was that three organisations stop documenting censorship. The notices would deliver exactly what the notice asked for as they would also remove the accounts of the three groups in India that keep public records of what is blocked, and of who ordered it. The posts in question are about a legal notice sent to us. They quote it, criticise how it was drafted, and say that we will carry on with our work. A person who receives a threat is entitled to publish it and answer it and that is not defamation of the sender. In the three weeks before the first notice, IFF assisted 86 people whose accounts were suspended or whose posts were withheld in India. SFLC's Free Speech Tracker recorded about 268 content restrictions and 83 account restrictions in the first 29 days of October. @geoblockedindia publishes the orders behind such blocks when platforms disclose them. None of this is unlawful. Documenting censorship and challenging it in court is what the Constitution expects of citizens. IFF will not delete the posts. If the Delhi Police does not withdraw the notices, we will challenge them in court. Why the reports are unlawful Defamation is not a police matter. Section 356 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 is a non-cognizable and bailable offence. Under Section 222 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023, no court can take cognizance of it except on a complaint by the person aggrieved. Under Section 174 of the BNSS, the police cannot investigate a non-cognizable offence without an order of a Magistrate. The Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) is not the person aggrieved. The notices disclose no complaint by the RSS and no order of any Magistrate. Whether a statement is defamatory is for a court to decide after hearing its author, with the defences of truth, fair comment and good faith available to that author. In Subramanian Swamy v. Union of India, (2016) 7 SCC 221, the Supreme Court upheld criminal defamation on the strength of these safeguards. A police officer who asks a platform to remove speech as defamatory has decided the question himself, without a complainant, a court or a hearing. The posts are protected comment. Exceptions 1 to 3 to Section 356(1) protect the truth published for the public good, opinion on the public conduct of public servants, and opinion on the conduct of any person touching a public question. The posts publish a notice that was sent to us and give our opinion of it. The RSS, if it sent the notice, chose to enter a public question. If it did not, the posts defame no one. Further, Section 79(3)(b) and Rule 3(1)(d) do not permit this. In Shreya Singhal v. Union of India, (2015) 5 SCC 1, the Supreme Court read down Section 79(3)(b) so that an intermediary acquires "actual knowledge" only through a court order, or a notification from the appropriate government or its agency that unlawful acts relatable to Article 19(2) are being committed. The court said that it would be difficult for intermediaries to judge the legitimacy of the millions of requests they receive, and that the burden must not be placed on them. Rule 3(1)(d), as amended in November 2025 and February 2026, now requires the intimation to come from an officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary or Deputy Inspector General, to be reasoned, and to specify the legal basis and the nature of the unlawful act, subject to a monthly review by a Secretary-level officer. The three-hour window the notice invokes applies to a lawful order that meets these conditions. A web form that ticks "hate speech" and "enforcement of court order" while leaving the court order fields blank, and that gives one sentence of reasons for 40 URLs, is not such an order. The notices by the Delhi Police are disproportionate. They seek to remove three accounts in their entirety, with years of posts, over six, four and eleven posts respectively. They sweep in 16 third parties whose only connection is that they commented on a public controversy. In Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, (2020) 3 SCC 637, the Supreme Court held that any restriction on speech must be necessary, proportionate and the least restrictive measure available, and that orders restricting speech must be published and reasoned. Removing an organisation's entire account for criticising a legal notice fails each of these tests. The effect is to silence documentation of censorship and providing legal aid to Indian internet users. The accounts named are those that record blocking orders in India. The notice asked them to stop. A takedown request that accomplishes the demand of an anonymous private notice is not law enforcement. It is the use of state power for a private end, which Article 14 forbids. Our demands 1. To the Delhi Police: Withdraw reports LD-321926 and LD-322956 and confirm the withdrawal in writing to X and to IFF. 2. To the Delhi Police: Disclose the complaint on which the Special Commissioner of Police (Crime) acted, the authority under which the reports were filed, and whether any order of a Magistrate under Section 174 BNSS exists. Disclose every request made to any platform in this matter, including those made by the Cyber Crime unit against @geoblockedindia. 3. To X: Do not act on the reports. If any content is withheld in India, tell the affected user before acting, give them the full request, and name the legal basis. Publish both reports to the Lumen database, as the reporting form itself contemplates. 4. To the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology and the Ministry of Home Affairs: Have the Secretary-level review required by Rule 3(1)(d) examine these intimations, and tell police forces that Rule 3(1)(d) is not a remedy for defamation, which the law reserves to the person aggrieved and to the courts. 5. To the RSS: State publicly whether it authorised either notice or any complaint to the police. If it did not, say so to the Delhi Police. If the notices are not withdrawn, IFF will challenge them in court. We will continue to document blocking orders, to publish them, and to provide legal assistance to anyone whose account or post is withheld in India. Nothing in these notices changes that.
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
India’s welfare approach has shifted from rights-based programmes to schemes that often provide one-off benefits, says economist Reetika Khera. In this episode of In Focus Podcast, she examines how welfare schemes have changed, and why many of them are not backed by legislation that makes them enforceable as rights. Hosted by @samzsays Produced by @heyjudeweston Watch the full video in TheHindu's YouTube channel! youtube.com/watch?v=UUmjxOuM…
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Deadline extended to tomorrow!
Following responses from aspiring students, we are extending the deadline for Mentees as well as Mentors. 🗓️ New Deadline: 25 July, 2026 (11:59 pm BST). Scan the QR codes use the following links: Mentor Form: forms.gle/2RAtnwnJtq5wutjb8 Mentee Form: forms.gle/RnQv3isLUUasTTya9
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
Congratulations to our member Dr Naveen ( @econnaveen7) for joining Delhi School of Economics as an Assistant Professor of Economics!! 🎓 We're all very proud of you! Jai Bhim💙
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Statement : IFF condemns the internet shutdown in parts of Central Delhi. No suspension order has been made public. New Delhi, 20 July 2026 The Internet Freedom Foundation (IFF) condemns the suspension of mobile internet services imposed today, 20 July 2026, in parts of Central Delhi, including the area around Jantar Mantar. The shutdown coincided with the 'Chalo Sansad' march called by the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) on the opening day of the Monsoon Session of Parliament, where thousands of students and young people had gathered to press their demands. Permission for the march was refused. Prohibitory orders were imposed under Section 163 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita, 2023. Routes to Parliament were sealed, and metro stations including, Patel Chowk, Rajiv Chowk and Janpath were closed. Amid reports of the use of force to disperse protesters, mobile internet was then switched off, reportedly "as a precautionary measure". We urge the immediate restoration of all telecommunication services in the capital and an end to internet shutdowns across India. The developments of today are of immense consequence to the future of our democracy. The voices gathered at Jantar Mantar, and the residents of the national capital, need to be heard the loudest, not silenced en masse. No order has been made public At the time of release of this statement, no copy of any suspension order has been published by the Ministry of Home Affairs, the Department of Telecommunications, the Government of NCT of Delhi or the Delhi Police. Residents of the capital do not know which authority directed the shutdown, on what grounds, over which precise areas, for which services, or for what duration. An unpublished order is an unaccountable order. It cannot be challenged before a court, and the judicial review guaranteed by the Supreme Court becomes illusory. Some reports further indicate the deployment of network jammers in parts of Central Delhi, including near Jantar Mantar. Jamming equipment finds no sanction in the legal framework for the suspension of telecommunication services at all. If jammers were deployed, the government must disclose under what legal authority. Binding safeguards violated On 10 January 2020, the Supreme Court in Anuradha Bhasin v. Union of India, (2020) 3 SCC 637 held that the freedom of speech and expression, and the freedom to carry on trade or business through the medium of the internet, are protected under Articles 19(1)(a) and 19(1)(g) of the Constitution. The Court directed that every order suspending telecom services must be published. Reasons must be recorded in writing. The restriction must be proportionate, adopting the least restrictive measure available. It cannot continue indefinitely. It is subject to judicial review, and to scrutiny by a review committee. Parliament has since replaced the framework of the Indian Telegraph Act, 1885. Under Section 20(2)(b) of the Telecommunications Act, 2023, telecommunication services may be suspended only on the occurrence of a public emergency or in the interest of public safety, on the grounds specified in that provision, and for reasons recorded in writing. The Telecommunications (Temporary Suspension of Services) Rules, 2024, notified on 22 November 2024, give effect to this power. A suspension order may be issued only by the Union Home Secretary or the State Home Secretary. An officer not below the rank of Joint Secretary may act in unavoidable circumstances, subject to confirmation by the competent authority within twenty four hours. Every order must clearly define the geographical area and the specific services suspended, and cannot remain in operation beyond fifteen days. Every order must also be published. A Review Committee must meet within five days of the order and record its findings on whether it complies with Section 20(2). These safeguards are not being followed If we account for today's shutdown against this legal architecture. The order is unpublished, in breach of Anuradha Bhasin and the Suspension Rules, 2024 alike. No recorded reasons are available to the public despite little to no reports of violence and consistent calls for the protest to be peaceful by the CJP and other organisers. The precise areas and services covered are undisclosed and so is the duration. Whether the competent authority even issued the order cannot be known. Whether the Review Committee will examine it cannot be verified. While the Suspension Rules prescribe no outer time limit for publication, a gap we have previously flagged, it cannot cut against the spirit of the Anuradha Bhasin judgement. A blanket suspension across densely populated parts of the capital, imposed as a "precaution" against a march to Parliament, is the opposite of a narrowly tailored, least restrictive measure. A shutdown timed to a protest restricts the freedoms of speech and assembly at the very moment they matter most. The human cost of a shutdown Access to the internet is a digital right on which the exercise of our fundamental freedoms now depends. When the network goes dark in Central Delhi, a journalist at Jantar Mantar cannot file her report or broadcast live. A street vendor on the surrounding roads cannot accept a UPI payment. A gig worker loses a day's earnings. A parent cannot confirm that a child who joined the march is safe. Cutting off communications prevents people from reaching out for help and manufactures panic in a moment which demands calm. These costs fall hardest on daily wage earners and small traders who can least absorb them. Internet based communications also promote trust between people and their government. A pattern, not an aberration Delhi has seen this before. On 19 December 2019, mobile services were suspended for the first time in the capital's history during the protests against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act, in areas including Seelampur, Jamia Nagar and Mandi House. On 26 January 2021, the Ministry of Home Affairs suspended internet services in Singhu, Ghazipur, Tikri, Mukarba Chowk, Nangloi and their adjoining areas during the farmers' protests. According to the #KeepItOn coalition's report released in March 2026, India recorded 65 internet shutdowns in 2025, the highest of any democracy in the world, and accounts for 920 of the 2,102 shutdowns documented globally since 2016. We have consistently advocated against the harm these disruptions cause, from Jammu and Kashmir to Rajasthan, and from Haryana to Manipur, where a shutdown in 2023 ran for over two hundred days. The orders are rarely published on time, and the findings of review committees never see daylight. Our demands We call upon the Government of India and the Government of NCT of Delhi to: 1. Immediately restore all suspended telecommunication and internet services in Central Delhi. 2. Publish forthwith every suspension order passed on or around 20 July 2026, together with the reasons recorded in writing, as mandated by Anuradha Bhasin and the Telecommunications (Temporary Suspension of Services) Rules, 2024. 3. Disclose the issuing authority, the grounds, the precise areas and services covered, and the period of operation, and clarify whether network jammers were deployed and under what legal authority. 4. Place the order before the Review Committee within five days as required by the Rules, and make its findings public. 5. Reform Section 20(2)(b) of the Telecommunications Act, 2023 to provide for independent prior authorisation and real consequences for unlawful suspensions. IFF will file applications under the Right to Information Act, 2005 seeking copies of the suspension orders and the records of the Review Committee, and is examining further legal remedies. Delhi and all of India deserve better.
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
EDIT: 22.07.26 (please excuse the typo)
Reminder! 3 days left before deadline. Apply Now! (see next tweet for link)
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APPLY!!
Reminder! 3 days left before deadline. Apply Now! (see next tweet for link)
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
📢 Call for Mentors & Mentees! 📢 @BahujanEconomists launches the Admissions Abroad Mentorship Programme for Dalit, Bahujan, Adivasi and minority (SC/ST/OBC) scholars from India! 🌍✊🏽 For Mentors: forms.gle/kitqs1qLJJDBKL6x9 For mentees: forms.gle/rnBByDjqKefQktq46
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
Bahujan Economists extends their heartiest congratulations to Jean Dreze - a true friend and inspiration to us!
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The chaos unleashed by haphazard digitisation without pilots, training or feedback. The rural poor have faced this. Now it's just broken class barriers. Lovely explainer @samzsays
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
Starting on Monday!
📆 Only 2 weeks to go until our workshop!!! 📆 "AI and the political economy of information filtering" maxkasy.github.io/home/infor… Open to all; register for partcipation (online/in-person) here: docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1F…
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
📆 Only 2 weeks to go until our workshop!!! 📆 "AI and the political economy of information filtering" maxkasy.github.io/home/infor… Open to all; register for partcipation (online/in-person) here: docs.google.com/forms/d/e/1F…
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
You supported Trump knowing he was racist. You just thought he wouldn’t be racist against you.
We are deeply disturbed by @POTUS sharing this hateful, racist screed targeting Indian and Chinese Americans. Endorsing such rants as the president of the United States will further stoke hatred and endanger our communities, at a time when xenophobia and racism are already at an all time high. We ask @realDonaldTrump to reconsider, delete this post & recognize the indelible contributions of Asian Americans to our great country.
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Public Good Alert 🚨 If you’ve ever spent hours merging messy admin datasets reconciling districts/subdistricts splits,merges, or renaming, well, no more! we(I,@harikv73,@asad__tariq) have built adminlineage, a Py package that uses AI to solve this #AI pypi.org/project/adminlineag…
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
The film Santosh, which exposes the harsh realities of society, police brutality, caste discrimination and misogyny has been banned by India’s censor board, while propaganda-driven movies like Dhurandhar are being promoted and allowed to run.
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
My slides for today's ML & Econ group meeting: "Double descent,” and what linear regression can teach us about the coming collapse (?) of the AI bubble. maxkasy.github.io/home/files… (Based mainly on "Learning Theory from First Principles," chapter 12, di.ens.fr/%7Efbach/ltfp_book… )
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
I wrote something about how a lot of misinformation research has focused on process and not outcomes. and what that means for the field. gvrkiran.substack.com/p/misi…
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
We thank @BBCHindi for covering the inspirational story of our member Shankar. We're all very proud of Shankar for getting a PhD admit in University of California, San Diego 💙
महाराष्ट्र के रहने वाले शंकर अरुण भिल आदिवासी समुदाय से हैं. उनका चयन अमेरिका की एक प्रतिष्ठित यूनिवर्सिटी में पीएचडी के लिए हुआ है. शंकर का परिवार दिहाड़ी मज़दूरी करता है. शंकर ने बताया कि कैसे उनका चयन अमेरिका की यूनिवर्सिटी में हुआ और वो यहां कौन सी पढ़ाई करेंगे. रिपोर्ट: श्रीकांत बंगाले शूट: किरण सकाले एडिट: अरविंद पारेकर
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Aarushi Kalra retweeted
Arguments for replacing MGNREGA with the VB-GRAMG Act don't pass muster.
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