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黃士豪 retweeted
除此之外。還搭配番大租、田小租、稅賦、放地來補償。問題是錢從哪來？地又從哪來？
真相只是「民人壞壞強佔」嗎？其實熟番為了土地開發、獲利租賃、避開賦役，主動出贌土地拿番大租，客家為了武職、土地，主動入隘。當中牽涉稅賦、帝國治理與各方的經濟算計。歷史比你想的複雜得多。
黃士豪 retweeted
看到FB那篇沈伯洋繼承信介仙、阿扁第一社會魂器衣缽的吹捧文我都氣到笑了。一個從來不推進台灣人找回母語社會的人有資格繼承的話，那宋楚瑜絕對比沈伯洋有資格：
1）更完整的政策團隊、有口皆碑的政績
2）橘色狂潮真正教祖
3）公開場合講台語的量勝沈10倍
難怪阿輝伯要把它弄死 – at Taiwan
黃士豪 retweeted
I told you all that Poland will be saving the West against the globalist coup… 🇵🇱🗽✌🏻
What just happened in Poland is something every Western citizen should look at squarely. Because it's the trailer for what's coming to the rest of us.
Friday night in Warsaw, the president of the Constitutional Tribunal and his vice-president were "suspended" for a month. The announcement appeared on the Tribunal's own website, which the Tribunal's leadership says was unlawfully taken over. Right after, riot police deployed around the country's highest court and entered the building. The President of the Republic, Karol Nawrocki, was mid-flight to Senegal. He turned the plane around.
Read that again, slowly. In a European Union member state, in 2026, police walk into the constitutional court and the head of state has to rush home.
This is not an accident. It's the endpoint of a method. December 2023: barely in office, the Tusk government cuts the signal of the public news channel and puts public television into liquidation. Then it stops publishing the Constitutional Tribunal's rulings in the official gazette. When the Tribunal suspends one of its reforms, a ministry calmly replies that the court has "no legal basis" to operate. The justice minister moves to strip the court president's immunity. And when none of that is enough, they send in the uniforms.
The official story is "we are restoring the rule of law." It's always the official story. Nobody has ever dismantled a democracy while announcing they were dismantling a democracy.
Now zoom out. Why now?
Because the globalist project is losing its grip. They lost the media war: people get their information elsewhere, compare, verify, and no longer trust the official line. They lost the trust of the people. And the countries that are bouncing back, the ones finding their energy, their birth rates, their pride again, are precisely the ones that understood that the Brussels machine, as it runs today, is not the cure but the disease. Poles elected Nawrocki against the system's candidate. The message was clear.
When a system loses trust, it has two options: reform or harden. They chose. All-in.
Think of an organ transplant. The body rejects the organ. The surgeon doesn't conclude the organ is incompatible. He raises the immunosuppressants. Then raises them again. Until the body can no longer defend itself at all. That's the mechanism now in motion: platform regulation in the name of fighting "disinformation," Chat Control that keeps coming back to the table, the digital euro, a presidential election annulled in Romania in 2024, and now police inside a constitutional court.
And this is where history should chill us. No totalitarian regime of the 20th century began with people who thought they were evil. They all began with elites convinced they were right against their own people, and ready to suspend the rules "temporarily" to save the people from themselves. We know how that ended. Millions dead. I'm not saying it's tomorrow. I'm saying it's the slope, and you don't climb back up a slope once you've started sliding.
And don't think this stops at the Vistula. The tools are European, which means they're already in France, in Germany, everywhere. What's being tested in Warsaw is the answer to one simple question: how far can you go against an institution that gets in your way before anyone pushes back? If the answer is "very far," France in 2027 has been warned. And every Western democracy should be taking notes.
So they have to be stopped now. Not with violence. With what still works as long as we use it: the vote, free speech, refusing to self-censor, and demanding that our judges, our media, and our elections stay independent from ALL powers, including the ones claiming to protect us. This is the moment it's decided. Once the hard phase begins, it's already too late.
Watch Poland. And open your eyes.
黃士豪 retweeted
與 Chiná 「緣分就到這裡，那也謝謝曾經」。
1949年沉沒的太平輪，蔡康永家族的「鐵達尼號悲劇」也最終落幕，留下一位49難民後裔的謝幕詞：「當你把票投給你想要的生活的時候，你就贏了。」
蔡康永事件尚未結束，但它已無意中讓「進步本土主義」完成了最後一里路，不再有「不要折騰」的空間。
蔡康永在 Weibo 的這個回應很高超啊，就是封「告別信」。
一、
我不支持台獨，但也沒說支持統一。
更沒說中國母親、一點都不能少。
二、
道歉的對象僅限跟我合作的單位以及人，
不是偉大祖國、中國人民的情感。
三、
身為一個專業主持人與訪談者，我一直做著同樣的事情，若你們因為「中共」的解讀而帶來了困擾，那這一部分我覺得抱歉。
但不是因為我做錯了什麼。
因此通篇沒有「反省」「改過」等字眼。
四、
我的父母來自上海，卻在台北相遇。
我的人生就是兩岸歷史偶然交會的結果。
你要我把自己簡化成某種政治標籤，
我大概也不會。
至於中國市場、合作夥伴、
那些曾經喜歡我的人——
如果這次以後，
我們的緣分就到這裡，那也謝謝曾經。
五、
我以後再也不會踏上「中國（中華人民共和國）」的土地了。
黃士豪 retweeted
Lula – The Gramsci of Latin America.
Latin America is a bit behind Europe, but it follows the same script. Lula is in fact their Gramsci, or their Dutschke.
In Europe, the turn came in 1968. The revolution had failed in the streets, so the generation of '68 took Gramsci's advice and Dutschke's slogan: don't storm the palace – march through the institutions.
Latin America had its own street revolution: Che's guerrillas. They failed too. Then the Berlin Wall fell, and the left lost both its model and its money.
So in 1990, Lula, the leader of the Workers' Party, who had just lost the presidential election, called the left of the whole continent to a hotel in São Paulo. He and Fidel Castro had agreed that his party would host the meeting. The São Paulo Forum was born: communist parties, socialist parties and guerrilla movements, all at one table.
This summer, Lula himself explained why he created it: he thought the left of Latin America could be educated through elections. The road to power was not the rifle but organizing people and winning votes. And that it would take 20-30 years.
That is the long march: not the war of maneuver but the war of position. Gramsci, translated into Portuguese.
And it worked. Within fifteen years, parties from the Forum governed Venezuela, Bolivia, Nicaragua, Uruguay, El Salvador – and Brazil itself. In Cuba, of course, the communists never left power since 1959.
Brazil even had the long march's schoolmaster. Paulo Freire, author of Pedagogy of the Oppressed, the book that turned teaching into raising revolutionary consciousness, ran São Paulo's schools for Lula's party from 1989.
And the march reached the courts. The Supreme Court annulled Lula's corruption convictions on procedural grounds, then sentenced his main rival, Jair Bolsonaro, to 27 years in prison.
In Europe, the long march was an idea. In Latin America, it has a founder, an address and a membership list. Dutschke gave Europe a slogan. Lula gave Latin America an organization.
But Latin America started the march twenty years after Europe – and it may be the first to walk out of it. Argentina, El Salvador, Bolivia and Chile already have. Brazil, for now, stays in line.
Antonio Gramsci – The Most Dangerous Intellectual of the Twentieth Century.
Not the most famous. Not the most read. The most dangerous and the most consequential – because he was the one who figured out why the revolution kept failing, and what to do instead. The man who invented the long march through the institutions.
Everything that followed — the Frankfurt School, the Fabian Society’s operational model, the WEF formation pipeline, the captured university, the HR department enforcing approved speech — is downstream of what he wrote in a prison cell in Mussolini’s Italy, in code, between 1929 and 1935.
1. His central question: why hasn’t it happened? The working class was supposed to rise. The contradictions of capitalism were supposed to produce the revolution. They hadn’t – not in the West. Gramsci’s answer was precise and devastating: because the ruling class does not maintain power through force alone. It maintains power through cultural hegemony – the control of the ideas, values, and frameworks through which people understand the world. The worker who accepts that the existing order is simply how things are will not revolt, regardless of his material conditions. The revolution requires cultural change first.
2. The instrument was the long march through the institutions. Not the barricade. The school, the university, the media, the judiciary, the civil service, the cultural establishment – every institution through which a civilization transmits its values to the next generation. Capture these, fill them with people who share the counter-hegemonic project, and the cultural assumptions that maintain the existing order gradually dissolve. No barricades. No visible moment of rupture. Just the slow replacement of one cultural hegemony with another.
3. The educational capture was the masterpiece. Control the curriculum and you control the categories of thought available to the next generation. Not by telling them what to conclude – by shaping what questions they think to ask, what they consider obvious and what they consider unthinkable. The generation educated after the long march does not need to be told what to think. It thinks what it was formed to think – and experiences that thinking as its own.
4. He also theorized the organic intellectual – the person who translates the theoretical framework into stories and assumptions that circulate through the culture without appearing ideological. The film that makes the existing order seem absurd. The journalist who frames every story within the approved assumptions. Gramsci understood that culture is politics by other means – and that the side that controls the culture wins, regardless of who wins the elections.
5. This is not a conspiracy theory. It is a published, documented, widely taught strategy that the left implemented consciously across the entire Western world. The 1968 generation put it into practice in the universities. They became the professors, the journalists, the civil servants, the judges, the HR directors of the decades that followed. The march took fifty years. It worked.
6. Mussolini’s prosecutor said at his trial: "We must stop this brain from functioning for twenty years." The brain did not stop. It produced thirty-three notebooks – smuggled out, published, and became the most widely read Marxist text in the Western academy after Marx himself. Gramsci died in 1937, six days after his release, at forty-six. He did not see the march he theorized. He did not need to.
7. Every captured institution, every transformed curriculum, every HR department enforcing approved speech, every content moderation policy suppressing the unauthorized voice – all running the program Antonio Gramsci designed in a prison cell, by a brain that was supposed to have been stopped. It wasn’t. And neither was the march.
Until now – because the distribution monopoly that made its outcomes enforceable is cracking. The counter-march has begun. It just doesn’t have a name yet.
黃士豪 retweeted
Vyshinsky – The Prosecutor.
Baku, 1908. In a crowded prison cell, two young revolutionaries argue about politics. One is a Georgian who calls himself Koba – the world would later know him as Stalin. The other is the son of a Polish Catholic family: Andrey Vyshinsky – Andrzej Wyszyński.
Thirty years later, one would sign the death lists. The other would read the charges out in court.
Vyshinsky had a problem: he had picked the wrong side. He was a Menshevik, from a rival socialist faction. In 1917, as a district police chief in Moscow, he signed an order to arrest Lenin as a "German spy." He joined the Bolsheviks only in 1920, once the civil war was won. A man with a past like that had one way to survive: to be more zealous than anyone. The system knew it, and used such men. Those with something to hide make the most obedient servants.
The system he served didn't need courts. It needed theater. Here is how a Soviet trial worked.
First, the verdict. The leadership – often Stalin himself, pencil in hand – decided who would be convicted and what the sentence would be.
Then, a law to fit it. In 1934, a decree stripped "terrorism" cases of everything a court is for: ten days of investigation, the charges handed over a day before the trial, no defense, no appeal – and execution immediately after the sentence.
Then, the confession. Months of interrogation: sleepless nights, interrogators working in shifts so the prisoner never rested, beatings, threats against wives and children. A decree of 1935 made children from the age of twelve subject to all criminal punishments, including death – an argument no father could resist in the interrogation room. Some were promised their lives if they confessed. Others were told that confessing was their last service to the Party.
Then, the rehearsal. The testimony was learned like a role, and every confession named new accomplices, who were arrested, interrogated and made to confess in turn.
Then, the performance. Vyshinsky's principle: the confession of the accused is the queen of evidence. No documents, no proof – just defendants accusing themselves of plots that never existed.
From 1936 to 1938, in the Great Purge, Lenin's old comrades stood in the dock and confessed. Vyshinsky called them mad dogs and demanded that every one of them be shot. They were, within a day or two of the verdict.
And the audience believed it. Foreign diplomats and writers sat in the hall, and the American ambassador reported home that the accused were guilty.
The show trials were only the visible tip. For hundreds of thousands of others there was no theater at all: three-man tribunals, no defendant in the room, sentences passed in minutes.
The prosecutor even helped himself to the house and money of one of his defendants, who was then shot.
The machine devoured Yagoda, then Yezhov. It never came for Vyshinsky. A regime can always find a new executioner. A prosecutor who could make a lie sound like law was harder to replace.
After the war, he was the Soviet power behind the scenes at Nuremberg. At a dinner there, he raised his glass to the German defendants: "May their paths lead straight from the courthouse to the grave!" The verdict before the trial – his whole method, in one toast. And the Soviet side insisted on charging the Germans with Katyn, the Soviets' own massacre of Polish officers.
Then Foreign Minister, he ended his career at the United Nations, speaking of peace, and died in New York in 1954.
In 1953, the year the communists arrested the Primate of Poland, Cardinal Stefan Wyszyński, the other Wyszyński was speaking for the Soviet Union at the UN. Same name, two Polands: one served the lie, the other refused it.
The method outlived him. Decide the guilt first, then build the case. Today it is called lawfare, and the process is the punishment. Even the confession survived: the ritual public apology, demanded before any verdict. And, as in Moscow, it never saves you.
Next: Yezhov.
The Butchers – The Men Who Ran the Soviet Terror.
Moscow, a winter night in 1937. Long past midnight in the Kremlin, a man with a pipe sits at his desk under a lamp. In front of him, a stack of typed lists – names, one per line. He runs a blue pencil down the pages. A tick. A note in the margin. Sometimes a name crossed out, sometimes one added. The same pencil he uses to edit film scripts and poems.
His officials stay awake at home, next to the phone, in case he calls before dawn.
Hundreds of lists. Tens of thousands of names. On a single day, December 12, 1937, he and Molotov approved more than three thousand death sentences. Then, historians tell us, they went to watch a film.
But Stalin didn't invent the machine. He perfected it.
In August 1918, Lenin sent a telegram to his comrades: hang at least a hundred kulaks – hang them so that people see it for hundreds of kilometers around. Trotsky, the "good communist" of Western nostalgia, ordered the families of officers taken as hostages.
The founders gave the orders. Then the machine needed men – men who would build the apparatus, fill the camps, write the confessions and pull the triggers. And sooner or later, it devoured many of them.
1. Dzerzhinsky – the Founder. "Iron Felix," a Polish noble's son, who built the Cheka in 1917.
2. Trotsky – the Myth. The revolutionary Western intellectuals still romanticize, who wrote a whole book defending terror – until the machine he helped build killed him with an ice axe.
3. Stalin – the Editor. The man at the desk, with the blue pencil, long past midnight.
4. Yagoda – the Builder. The Gulag as an economy: canals dug by prisoners who died by the tens of thousands. Then shot by his own machine.
5. Vyshinsky – the Prosecutor. "Confession is the queen of evidence" – so he got confessions. "Shoot the mad dogs!" at the show trials, then the Soviet seat at the United Nations.
6. Yezhov – the Butcher. The Great Terror, the quotas, the Polish operation – then shot, and erased from the photographs.
7. Beria – the Strategist. Katyn, the atomic bomb, the deportations – and a predator. Shot by his own colleagues three months after Stalin's death.
8. Blokhin – the Executioner. In the spring of 1940, at Kalinin, he personally shot thousands of Polish prisoners over a few weeks, in a leather apron and cap.
9. Serov – the Hunter of Poland. He crushed the Home Army, lured the leaders of the Polish Underground State to "talks" and had them tried in Moscow. Then Hungary in 1956, and the first chairman of the KGB.
10. Andropov – the Modernizer. Dissidents sent to psychiatric hospitals instead of camps: softer, quieter – same goal: erasing people. The first secret police chief to rule the country.
11. Epilogue – The Chekists Never Left. From the KGB to the FSB to the Kremlin.
Why name them? Because their whole work was erasure – of people, of records, of memory. Remembering is the opposite of what they did.
And erasure didn't die with them. Today it rarely needs a bullet. It is called cancelling, deplatforming, debanking, lawfare. The inconvenient person isn't shot – he is removed: from his job, his bank account, his platform, the conversation. Yezhov needed a retoucher. Today a terms-of-service update does the job.
For Poles, these are not names from a history book. They are the names behind our grandparents' graves – and that is why we recognize their heirs.
黃士豪 retweeted
This is a good occasion to reflect on the soundness of politics based on national majorities that can impose anything on everyone else…
This is not a good system – as a majority is most easily formed from the people who are easiest to manipulate by the socialists. That is the socialists' principal skill and preoccupation: manipulating those who are easiest to manipulate, in order to gain power. That's all it's about. This is what they do – to the detriment of EVERYONE except the manipulators.
A people should govern itself and choose its representatives, but not through a system of building nationwide majorities based on media manipulation. People should make decisions at their own scale, and at the level of their own knowledge and expertise – they should choose local representatives they know and trust. Those representatives should then choose the representatives of the next level, who would carry their voices further.
With three such layers, people would be well represented by representatives they could trust, with an increasing level of competence and integrity at each level.
When people directly choose one person they don't know, they choose the one most skilled at manipulating – that is, at lying…
We need a Ladder of Trust that selects the best people. Not a system that selects the best liar.
I am sorry to say, but this looks quite uniform – a continuous field – which makes it consistent and believable…
Even the few pockets of blue arrows, apart from a handful of isolated cases that look like mistakes, are surrounded by smaller pink arrows.
Fraud would look differently (we’ve seen examples of that in local elections even in Poland over the years) – it is difficult to make fraud look so uniform – there would be places where it wouldn’t happen, distributed across the nation…
The extension of voting hours looks very suspicious, but it doesn’t seem to have had that much of an effect, given that the shift is quite uniform…
黃士豪 retweeted
ROC先行，PRC跟進。這就是中國併吞台灣的法理公式
20年前的民進黨知道ROC就是PRC並吞台灣的橋梁，所以才要去中、否定ROC
今天中國進步黨卻要台灣人擁抱ROC ? 在盤算什麼?
別以為台灣人都是無腦韭菜可以隨便擺弄
2025年5月，台灣立法院通過修法，將」台灣光復節「更名為「台灣光復暨金門古寧頭大捷紀念日」。
2025年10月24日，中國全國人大常委會通過將10月25日設立為「台灣光復紀念日」
---
台灣先承認ROC及其史觀與領土，之後中國跟進。當年兩中聯手侵犯尖閣諸島主權也是相同手法。
dw.com/zh-hant/%E5%A4%A7%E9%…
黃士豪 retweeted
Yagoda – The Builder.
Every machine needs an engineer. The Soviet terror had one: Genrikh Yagoda, the man who helped turn the camps into an economy.
Born in 1891 in a provincial town on the Volga, he joined the Cheka in 1919 and climbed quietly. He was no theorist and no orator – he was an organizer. By the end of the 1920s, with his chief often ill, Yagoda was the one actually running the secret police.
His machine ran on one idea: prisoners are not a cost. They are a workforce.
In 1930, the camps were brought under a centralized administration whose name the world would later learn: the Gulag. Deported peasants, "class enemies," priests and engineers were sent to dig, mine and cut timber in places no free man would willingly go.
The camps became a slave economy, with production targets like those of any other state enterprise.
His showpiece was the White Sea–Baltic Canal: more than 200 kilometres dug by prisoners through the frozen north, largely with shovels, wheelbarrows and primitive tools, in under two years.
Thousands died. And when the canal was finished, it was too shallow for most large ships.
In 1933, more than a hundred Soviet writers were taken on a boat trip along the canal. With Maxim Gorky as a leading editor, they produced a book celebrating the supposed transformation of prisoners into new Soviet citizens through forced labour.
Useful idiots, by the boatload.
The regime even named a brand of cigarettes after the canal: Belomorkanal. Russians still smoke them.
The plans grew. In February 1933, Yagoda proposed deporting another two million people classified as socially harmful elements to Siberia and Kazakhstan.
That spring, thousands of deportees were dumped on an island in the Ob River with virtually nothing to sustain them. Within weeks, thousands had died. Some survivors resorted to cannibalism.
The place became known as Cannibal Island.
And the Poles?
In 1933, the Soviet secret police pursued an alleged Polish Military Organization inside the USSR. The supposed conspiracy would later become a pretext for the mass murder of Poles under NKVD Order 00485 in 1937–38, when over 111,000 people were executed.
Yagoda helped build the apparatus and cultivate the imaginary enemy. His successor, Yezhov, presided over the mass killings.
In 1934, Yagoda became head of the newly established NKVD.
In 1936, the first great Moscow Show Trial took place under his watch. Zinoviev and Kamenev, Lenin’s old comrades, confessed to fabricated crimes and were shot.
Yagoda reportedly kept the bullets that killed them as souvenirs.
It wasn’t enough.
That September, Stalin sent a telegram accusing Yagoda of failing to unmask the enemies of the state and declaring that the secret police were "four years behind."
He was demoted, then arrested.
A search of his homes uncovered luxury goods and thousands of pornographic photographs – a remarkable collection for a man who had spent years enforcing the morality of the proletarian state.
At his own show trial in 1938, the builder of the machine confessed to a series of crimes, including poisoning Maxim Gorky, the writer who had helped celebrate the canal.
He rejected only one charge, espionage: "If I had been a spy," he said, "dozens of countries could have closed down their intelligence services."
He was shot in March 1938.
The bullets that had killed Zinoviev and Kamenev were reportedly found among Yezhov’s possessions when he, too, was arrested.
The machine tends to come back for its builders.
The Butchers – The Men Who Ran the Soviet Terror.
Moscow, a winter night in 1937. Long past midnight in the Kremlin, a man with a pipe sits at his desk under a lamp. In front of him, a stack of typed lists – names, one per line. He runs a blue pencil down the pages. A tick. A note in the margin. Sometimes a name crossed out, sometimes one added. The same pencil he uses to edit film scripts and poems.
His officials stay awake at home, next to the phone, in case he calls before dawn.
Hundreds of lists. Tens of thousands of names. On a single day, December 12, 1937, he and Molotov approved more than three thousand death sentences. Then, historians tell us, they went to watch a film.
But Stalin didn't invent the machine. He perfected it.
In August 1918, Lenin sent a telegram to his comrades: hang at least a hundred kulaks – hang them so that people see it for hundreds of kilometers around. Trotsky, the "good communist" of Western nostalgia, ordered the families of officers taken as hostages.
The founders gave the orders. Then the machine needed men – men who would build the apparatus, fill the camps, write the confessions and pull the triggers. And sooner or later, it devoured many of them.
1. Dzerzhinsky – the Founder. "Iron Felix," a Polish noble's son, who built the Cheka in 1917.
2. Trotsky – the Myth. The revolutionary Western intellectuals still romanticize, who wrote a whole book defending terror – until the machine he helped build killed him with an ice axe.
3. Stalin – the Editor. The man at the desk, with the blue pencil, long past midnight.
4. Yagoda – the Builder. The Gulag as an economy: canals dug by prisoners who died by the tens of thousands. Then shot by his own machine.
5. Vyshinsky – the Prosecutor. "Confession is the queen of evidence" – so he got confessions. "Shoot the mad dogs!" at the show trials, then the Soviet seat at the United Nations.
6. Yezhov – the Butcher. The Great Terror, the quotas, the Polish operation – then shot, and erased from the photographs.
7. Beria – the Strategist. Katyn, the atomic bomb, the deportations – and a predator. Shot by his own colleagues three months after Stalin's death.
8. Blokhin – the Executioner. In the spring of 1940, at Kalinin, he personally shot thousands of Polish prisoners over a few weeks, in a leather apron and cap.
9. Serov – the Hunter of Poland. He crushed the Home Army, lured the leaders of the Polish Underground State to "talks" and had them tried in Moscow. Then Hungary in 1956, and the first chairman of the KGB.
10. Andropov – the Modernizer. Dissidents sent to psychiatric hospitals instead of camps: softer, quieter – same goal: erasing people. The first secret police chief to rule the country.
11. Epilogue – The Chekists Never Left. From the KGB to the FSB to the Kremlin.
Why name them? Because their whole work was erasure – of people, of records, of memory. Remembering is the opposite of what they did.
And erasure didn't die with them. Today it rarely needs a bullet. It is called cancelling, deplatforming, debanking, lawfare. The inconvenient person isn't shot – he is removed: from his job, his bank account, his platform, the conversation. Yezhov needed a retoucher. Today a terms-of-service update does the job.
For Poles, these are not names from a history book. They are the names behind our grandparents' graves – and that is why we recognize their heirs.
黃士豪 retweeted
This explains why in Taiwan, children are forced to grow up too fast doing things they couldn't care less about, while adults often regress into children. Stripped of the chance to think for themselves, they lose the ability to decide what's truly best for them.
In a way, I bet that's the secret recipe for $TSMC's success: when nobody knows what their true passions are, everyone just scrambles to get into the one company the entire nation reveres. 🤣
