polmikan

今回の歴史的大暴落、個人だけじゃなく有名ヘッジファンドまで破綻の噂が出るレベルで大損害を食らってるんだわ。
原因は彼らが組んでた半導体ロング＋他銘柄ショートの戦略が完全に裏目に出たことなのね。 半導体が崩壊したことでポジションを解消するために半導体を投げ売りしながら空売りしてた他銘柄を買い戻すという強烈な逆回転が起きたんだわ。
大口の資金繰り破綻が指数を巻き込んだクラッシュ。
ファンドの悲鳴が市場を揺らしてるね。

お立場上お気持ちは抑えてらっしゃるのだろうけど、これはもう「令和の『世界一丁寧で気高いマジギレ』会見」だと思う

拿AI泡沫和大跃进大炼钢铁比真不完全是开玩笑做比喻 你拿每家每户的电力去大炼AI，和把每家每户把铁制品拿出来大炼钢铁不是一回事吗？本质上是把能源和算力中心化，（不管有意无意）进而促进权力中心化，这就是你们最讨厌的反自由的“左逼共产主义” 怎么这个时候看不出来了，因为AI股票买多了吗

お立場上お気持ちは抑えてらっしゃるのだろうけど、これはもう「令和の『世界一丁寧で気高いマジギレ』会見」だと思う

トランプの誤算は、移民がやっていた仕事をやりたくて順番待ちしていた自国民がいなかったこと。

Under pressure from Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu, the Trump administration may be within days of launching a nuclear strike on Iran. The target would be Pickax Mountain in central Iran, where Israeli intelligence claims the Iranian government has restarted its nuclear enrichment program. No conventional weapon in the American arsenal can penetrate 300 feet of solid granite to destroy the tunnels where enrichment is supposedly taking place. The only military option is a nuclear strike. Netanyahu has been pushing hard for one. “Bibi calls Trump about it every day,” says an informed observer. Netanyahu is cornered and desperate. After last week’s election results, he can’t form a government unless Trump intervenes directly in Israeli politics and brokers a deal with other parties that gives Netanyahu 61 seats in the Knesset. Otherwise, he is out as prime minister and on his way to ignominy, investigations and possibly jail. Netanyahu must stay close to Trump. He needs this war. To that end, he’s applied maximum pressure to his closest allies in the administration, including Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth and CENTCOM commander Brad Cooper. Both oppose a negotiated settlement to the war they’ve so grievously mismanaged; both are pushing to restart major combat operations. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and CIA director John Ratcliffe are also following Netanyahu’s lead, as are leaders of the Democratic Party. In a recent meeting on the subject, former president Barack Obama said he opposes the current Iran peace deal being drafted in Doha. The rest of America’s longtime allies in the Middle East are terrified by the prospect of more war. On September 27th, Netanyahu flew secretly to Abu Dhabi to enlist the UAE in his lobbying effort for a final attack on Iran. The Emiratis refused. After eight months of conflict, Gulf economies are teetering. So are global energy and fertilizer markets. They won’t recover soon. Globally, there are a total of about 850 supertankers used to transport oil from producers to the rest of the world. In October alone, 11 of them were badly damaged in Hormuz. At this pace, a global depression is imminent. A nuclear strike would radically accelerate the destruction. Fallout from a ground explosion at Pickax Mountain would contaminate the Persian Gulf, poisoning the water supply for 100 million people. And those are just some of the immediate consequences for the region. The rest of the world is every bit as exposed. No country other than the United States has ever used a nuclear weapon in war. Some would like to. An American nuclear attack on Iran would set a new precedent. The Russians have already told at least two other governments that an American nuclear strike on Iran would free them to use nuclear weapons against Ukraine. Pakistan and India would be tempted to do the same against each other, as would North Korea against Seoul. After the first nuclear strike, World War Three is inevitable. That war would be short and final. We’ve been sleepwalking toward this moment for months. Since February, the administration has quietly rewritten America’s nuclear doctrine to make first use of so-called “battlefield nukes” easier and therefore more likely. No one in Washington in either party seems bothered by this. Now we’re on the brink of it. Close observers say Trump is likely to decide by next weekend whether or not to use nuclear weapons. That would be November 7, six days from now. To his credit, he’s hesitating. At the moment, Trump is listening to his vice president, JD Vance, and to his envoy and friend Steve Witkoff, both of whom argue a deal with Iran can be made. They’re right, though it won’t be simple. The Iranians are famously frustrating to negotiate with under any circumstances, and elements of that government have become more radical since Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and his family were killed in February. After decades of isolation, even relatively moderate Iranian leaders seem confused by how decisions are made in the West. (There is a widespread belief in Tehran, for example, that the United States government controls Israel.) But overall, people who have spoken to decision-makers in Iran say there is consensus there that more war is bad for everyone and a deal is worth making. One group that hasn’t been consulted so far is the global population — the hundreds of millions of people who will be killed along with their children if Trump is pushed by Netanyahu into launching a nuclear strike next week. Now would be the time for them to speak up.

Three years ago, I earned $500k/year in tech. Today, I’m homeless, living in my car. 28 years of experience. Three technical books. AI engineer since the 1990s. And I can’t find a job. My story is a warning about the future of work. medium.com/effortless-progra… #AI #FutureOfWork

なんか自民維新の比例３１議席削減案に国民民主も乗っかるって聞いたので言いたいこと言わせてもらいます。 比例３１議席削ったらどうなるか、ざっくりまとめたんで、もし伝わったら拡散お願いします。 1枚目の画像は前衆院選の小選挙区結果一覽なんだけども これ自民維新の議席占有率９３％なんすね 小選挙区制度がまともに民意を反映する制度なら自民維新の支持率は９３％ってことになるんだが 同じ選挙の比例得票率では自民維新は過半数を割って45.4％ 小選挙区は１人しか当選しないから、候補者（選択肢）は限定されるので９３％の裏には膨大な死に票がある 一方で比例は全政党から投票先を選べて、得票率で議席が分配される つまり民意反映能力は圧倒的に比例が優れてる。 大量の死に票を生む小選挙区で多数派を形成した与党が数にモノを言わせて比例の議席を３１削減するなんてのは、国民の政治不信を逆手に取った権力の我田引水で、権力による選挙システムの破壊でしかないっすよ。 どこの政党を応援してるっていう立場論じゃなくて、子どもや孫にまともな選挙制度を残すっていう視点で考えてほしい。

【Xデモ】つないでください 食料自給率100%を目指すと言いながら、日本の大事なジャガイモを危機に晒す高市総理は支持しません #日本のジャガイモ守れ

Aqui para ajudar vocês. Como o algoritmo contabiliza para entregar ou não os tweets.

FULL ENGLISH TRANSLATION: Statement by Flávio Bolsonaro I address the Brazilian people and the international community as the true elected president of Brazil. First of all, I would like to thank President Milei for his courage, sense of justice, and respect for the rule of law; President Trump; and the wonderful American people for welcoming me. This is a land of freedom, home to brothers and sisters who share the same values as the good people of my country. President Trump is a great defender of freedom of speech. On Sunday night, I watched in shock as electoral fraud unfolded before my very eyes. The illegitimate and illegal actions of Lula's former lawyer allowed a mathematical impossibility to materialize, with Lula adding more than 10 million votes between the first and second rounds. A decision by the Supreme Federal Court (STF), overriding the authority of the Superior Electoral Court (TSE), extended voting after the lights had gone out, and the order only arrived after the legal deadline had passed, when the voting machines had already been closed. Voters were subjected to different rules. So far, the TSE has merely defended the extension of voting hours and has not provided a single credible explanation. And these irregularities are not the only problem. Throughout the entire campaign, there was abuse of political and economic power and the use of the machinery of government to favor reelection. These are serious acts, expressly prohibited by law, that justify the disqualification of the Lula–Alckmin ticket. The regime's response to my questioning came swiftly. As though following a previously prepared plan, seven minutes after this repugnant electoral fraud, the judge implicated in an enormous corruption scandal, directly named in the investigation he used to try to seize my passports, and who would very likely be in prison if they had not prevented my inauguration, set the regime's machinery of political persecution in motion. Being disqualified from the outset and completely compromised in his impartiality to initiate any judicial proceedings against me, his mere participation in procedural acts demonstrates the extent of the arbitrariness and illegality currently taking place. It was not my intention to leave my homeland, but I know exactly where this is heading. This is the classic playbook of any coup d'état. The political persecution that began with my father, former President Jair Bolsonaro, and spread to thousands of other ordinary patriotic Brazilians and even American citizens has a single objective: to silence anyone who disagrees with the state of exception imposed in Brazil through a Supreme Court controlled by the criminal Workers' Party organization. To be clear, there is no arrest warrant against me because I have committed no crime. What exists is a politically motivated witch hunt aimed at turning me into a hostage and an object of blackmail to protect the corrupt justices of the Supreme Court from impeachment. This is the playbook of persecution: passport confiscation, electronic ankle monitors, censorship, house arrest, sham trials, and finally, political conviction. I will not subject my family to this, and my country does not deserve to endure this international humiliation once again. Faced with the political weaponization of justice in Brazil, I brought my family to the United States, where we are safe. I thank President Trump and the American government once again for welcoming us and providing us with the legal security that we no longer have in Brazil. I want to make this clear: I did not flee Brazil. I left for Brazil. I left a state of exception so that I could be the leader my people deserve, because if I were silenced, imprisoned, and censored, as my father is, I could not provide that leadership, and we would be left at the mercy of the institutional theater of a castrated opposition controlled by a Supreme Court filled with the regime's lackeys. ⬇️⬇️⬇️