Jameson Z. Timba

“When a fool gains power, the first thing he does is silence the wise. The next thing he does is gather other fools around. The Final thing he does is destroy the nation (or organisation — my addition).” — Attributed to Plato A timeless warning about leadership.

BRITAIN COMPENSATED THE SLAVE OWNERS. WHY NOT THE ENSLAVED? By Senator Jameson Z. Timba 31/10/26 British Prime Minister Andy Burnham's willingness to consider a formal apology for Britain's role in the transatlantic slave trade is welcome. His rejection of financial reparations, however, raises a fundamental question about historical responsibility. Burnham argues that today's British citizens cannot be held liable for injustices committed by earlier generations. But reparations are not about inherited personal guilt. They concern the continuing responsibilities of states and institutions that benefited from historical injustice. When Britain abolished slavery in 1833, it authorised £20 million in compensation to slave owners for the loss of what the law regarded as their property. The enslaved received nothing for generations of unpaid labour, suffering and stolen opportunity. Britain recognised the economic losses of those who owned human beings but not the losses of those who had been owned. That contradiction remains at the heart of the reparations debate. Burnham proposes debt relief, development cooperation and climate financing as alternatives. These are worthwhile initiatives, but development assistance and reparative justice are not interchangeable. One addresses present needs; the other acknowledges responsibility for historical harm. Nor must reparations mean individual cash payments. They can include educational investment, institutional rebuilding, restitution, debt restructuring and negotiated programmes addressing enduring inequalities. For Africa and the Caribbean, the question is not whether Britain should be punished for its past. It is whether a relationship shaped by historical exploitation can be rebuilt on justice, equality and mutual respect. Britain deserves recognition for helping abolish slavery. But abolition did not erase the wealth accumulated through slavery or automatically repair its consequences. An apology acknowledges what happened. Reparative justice asks what should follow. The question is not whether today's British citizens inherited the guilt of slavery. It is whether the British state inherited responsibilities alongside the benefits of its history.

Zimbabwe faces a nearly ZiG8 billion housing funding shortfall, yet homes and livelihoods are being demolished across the country. Planning laws must protect people, not punish poverty. We cannot solve a failure of governance by punishing its victims. Zimbabwe must build, not demolish, its way out of the housing crisis.

Zimbabwe's 2027 growth forecast has fallen from 5% to 3.5%. Yet, despite revenue exceeding targets, only 42.5% of the 2026 Budget was utilised by mid-year. Revenue collected is not development achieved. Money allocated is not a service delivered. Economic growth must improve citizens' lives.

15 Zimbabweans reportedly dead, 66 stranded and hundreds possibly recruited into Russia's war. Mnangagwa must demand answers from Putin: full disclosure, safe repatriation, investigation of trafficking networks and justice for victims. Zimbabweans are not expendable.

Zimbabwe's annual ZiG inflation rose from 3.7% in September to 4.3% in October, while USD inflation fell from 3.5% to 3.2%. Single-digit inflation is welcome, but it does not mean prices are falling or citizens are better off. As we approach the 2027 National Budget, the real test of economic progress must be jobs, incomes, affordable healthcare, education and food on the table. The economy exists to serve the people, not the other way round.

I support Zimbabwe's readmission to the Commonwealth, but it must be guided by the 1991 Harare Declaration. Following Sir Lindsay Hoyle's meeting with Speaker Mudenda, I ask: Did they discuss the disputed parliamentary committee, CAB3, the PVO Act, shrinking civic space and Zimbabwe's compliance with Commonwealth principles? Or are Britain's economic interests taking precedence over democratic values? Zimbabwe must return not only to the Commonwealth, but to its principles.

Tanzania's detained opposition leader Tundu Lissu, facing treason charges since April 2025, plans to begin a hunger strike tomorrow, 26 October, over alleged denial of confidential access to his lawyers despite a High Court ruling. Tanzania must respect the court order, guarantee his right to a fair trial and protect his health and safety. The rule of law is tested not by how governments treat their supporters, but by how they treat their political opponents.

EDUCATION IS A CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT, NOT A BUDGETARY AFTERTHOUGHT UNICEF's findings on Zimbabwe's education financing raise serious questions about our national priorities. Government celebrates economic growth and improved GDP rankings, yet schools remain under-resourced, teachers struggle with poor remuneration, and vulnerable children face barriers to education. A budget allocation is not the same as money reaching the classroom. We need adequate funding, timely disbursements, better teacher remuneration, properly funded BEAM programmes and transparent accountability for education expenditure. Section 75 of our Constitution guarantees the right to education. Government must give practical meaning to that promise. A country cannot claim economic transformation while neglecting the education of its children. The future of Zimbabwe is being shaped in its classrooms today. Education is not a cost to be minimised. It is an investment in our nation's future.

COMESA CANNOT CHAMPION DEMOCRACY ABROAD WHILE DEMOCRATIC SPACE SHRINKS AT HOME COMESA's commitment to democratic institutions and political tolerance is welcome. But its leadership raises serious questions of credibility. Zimbabwe assumes leadership amid constitutional manipulation, shrinking civic space under the PVO Act and the police prevention of a peaceful prayer meeting. Zambia faces growing concerns over restrictions on opposition activity and civic freedoms. Eswatini, the incoming Vice-Chair of the COMESA Authority, remains an absolute monarchy where political parties cannot freely compete for national political power. How can regional leaders defend democratic freedoms abroad while restricting them at home? COMESA must not become a shield for democratic regression. Democracy cannot be proclaimed at regional summits and suspended at national borders. Regional leadership must be earned through democratic example, not merely institutional rotation.

A BIGGER ECONOMY MUST MEAN BETTER LIVES The IMF reportedly projects Zimbabwe's GDP at US$65.9 billion in 2026, ranking it Africa's 14th-largest economy. Growth is welcome. But how much of this reflects real economic expansion, and how much reflects GDP rebasing and valuation changes? More importantly, are young people finding decent jobs? Are wages improving? Are families escaping poverty? Are public services getting better? GDP measures economic production, not the distribution of prosperity. We should neither dismiss these figures nor celebrate them uncritically. A country can become richer on paper while its citizens remain poor in practice. The true measure of economic transformation is the improvement in people's lives. Where is the citizen's dividend?

THE CONSTITUTION IS SUPREME, NOT ZANU-PF. ZANU-PF's Chinhoyi Conference resolutions raise serious constitutional questions. Resolution 1.6 proposes party supremacy over Government, while Resolution 1.8 seeks to make ZANU-PF recommendations a requirement for employment in public institutions. Zimbabwe is a constitutional republic, not a party-state. Our young people and recent graduates already bear the burden of unemployment arising from years of economic mismanagement. They must not now be required to obtain political clearance before accessing employment opportunities. Qualifications, competence and merit—not party affiliation—must determine access to public employment. DCP will mobilise young people, graduates and other affected citizens to peacefully and lawfully resist any attempt to impose partisan employment restrictions. In consultation with our partners in Sungano yeVanhu – Ubumbano Lomphakathi, we will also pursue appropriate legal remedies against ZANU-PF and any responsible State institutions where their actions violate the Constitution or citizens' rights. The State belongs to all Zimbabweans, regardless of political affiliation. The Constitution must prevail. #DefendTheConstitution #EqualOpportunity #ConstitutionalSupremacy

CHINHOYI: PRESIDENTIAL POWER OR CITIZENS' PRIORITIES? Over 7,000 delegates gathered at ZANU-PF's 23rd National People's Conference, reportedly backed by a US$10 million fundraising exercise. More than 30 resolutions were announced. But judged by the weight of its principal resolutions, the conference appears to have been primarily about consolidating President Mnangagwa's power. The elective congress is to be postponed to 2029. Mnangagwa is to remain party leader until 2030 and be its next presidential candidate. The party constitution is to be amended accordingly. Meanwhile, what concrete new measures were adopted to address rising poverty, unemployment, low incomes and deteriorating public services? Even more disturbing is the constitutional question. ZANU-PF expressly linked its leadership resolutions to national constitutional amendments whose validity remains contested before the courts. An enacted law remains operative unless set aside. But political resolutions cannot pre-empt the judiciary's constitutional authority. The doctrine of separation of powers is not optional. A conference themed “From Resolutions to Results” must answer a fundamental question: Results for whom? The President or the people? Zimbabwe needs leadership focused on extending economic opportunities for citizens, not merely extending political tenure for those in power. Constitutional supremacy must prevail over political expediency. #Zimbabwe #Constitutionalism #SeparationOfPowers

THE SECOND BATTLE OF CHINHOYI: FROM LIBERATION TO CONSTITUTIONAL RESTORATION In 1966, seven liberation fighters confronted the Rhodesian military at Chinhoyi. They were outnumbered, outgunned and killed. Yet their defeat did not end the liberation struggle. It inspired a movement that eventually secured independence in 1980. Sixty years later, Chinhoyi is witnessing another consequential political battle. This time, the contest is over constitutionalism, political power and proposals to extend President Mnangagwa's tenure. The true number of ZANU-PF members opposed to the 2030 Agenda remains unknown. In a political environment shaped by patronage and intimidation, dissent can carry a heavy price. Former senior party officials have faced threats to their agricultural land allocations after falling out with the leadership. Silence is not necessarily consent. Visible unanimity is not necessarily genuine agreement. The seven fighters at Chinhoyi did not represent the full extent of opposition to colonial rule. Similarly, the number of ZANU-PF members openly resisting the extension agenda may not reflect the full extent of internal opposition. That does not establish that today's opponents are a majority; their actual numbers remain unknown. At the 23rd ZANU-PF Conference, VP Constantino Chiwenga raised fundamental questions about whether party resolutions genuinely originate from ordinary members or are imposed from above. He reminded delegates that their party belongs to its members, not individuals, and insisted that political change must follow constitutional procedures. His remarks did not explicitly reject the proposed amendments, but they raised important questions about the integrity of the decision-making process. Reports of disagreements within the party leadership, including allegations of financial inducements intended to influence conference resolutions, reinforce the need for scrutiny. Those allegations remain unverified. The proposed constitutional amendments were reportedly incorporated into the conference agenda through the Legal Secretary's report to the Central Committee. But placing amendments on an agenda is not the same as lawfully adopting them. Article 29, Section 271 of the ZANU-PF Constitution prescribes procedures for constitutional amendments, including advance notice, Central Committee approval and ratification by the National People's Congress. A National People's Conference resolution cannot substitute for those requirements. Meanwhile, the constitutional challenges to CAB3 remain unresolved. If the Constitutional Court invalidates provisions extending the incumbent President's tenure from 2028 to 2030, no subsequent amendment to the ZANU-PF Constitution can override that judgment. ZANU-PF may govern Zimbabwe, but it does not own Zimbabwe. The national Constitution remains supreme. The battle at Chinhoyi may be won by those commanding the party machinery and the numerical majority. But political numbers cannot cure constitutional defects. The contemporary struggle for constitutional restoration must remain peaceful, lawful and democratic, pursued through the courts, civic organisation and the exercise of citizens' constitutional rights. The liberation struggle gave Zimbabwe its independence. Constitutional government must give that independence enduring democratic meaning. In 1966, the seven fell, but the struggle continued. In 2026, constitutionalism may suffer another setback at Chinhoyi, but the constitutional struggle will continue. Chinhoyi may decide a battle. It will not decide the constitutional future of Zimbabwe. #RestoreTheConstitution #LetThePeopleDecide

ECONOMIC GROWTH: WHERE IS THE CITIZEN'S DIVIDEND? President Mnangagwa says Zimbabwe's GDP has grown from US$16bn in 2017 to US$66bn, with GDP per capita rising from US$1,200 to US$3,500. These are substantial claims. But what has this growth meant for ordinary Zimbabweans? The World Bank reports that approximately 80% of Zimbabweans work in the informal sector, with median monthly earnings of around US$130. Poverty remains widespread. GDP per capita is an average, not what each citizen earns. The President must account for the citizen's dividend: real wages, decent jobs, household purchasing power and access to essential services. He also insists that Vision 2030 remains on course. Yet the World Bank's baseline projection places Zimbabwe's attainment of upper-middle-income status around 2036, not 2030. Ambition is not a development projection. It must be supported by credible economic assumptions. A country may become richer on paper while its citizens continue to struggle in practice. The purpose of economic development is to close that gap. #CitizensDividend #Vision2030 #Zimbabwe

ZIMBABWE'S DEMOCRACY: PROGRESS OR REGRESSION? The latest Afrobarometer findings present a troubling paradox. 76% of Zimbabweans still prefer democracy to any other form of government. Yet 45% believe Zimbabwe is either not a democracy or a democracy with major problems. More significantly, support for democracy has declined from 85% in the previous survey to 76%. These findings should concern everyone entrusted with public leadership. They suggest a growing distance between the democracy citizens aspire to and their experience of democratic governance. But we must distinguish between declining confidence in how democracy functions and declining belief in democracy itself. The findings do not conclusively establish democratic regression. That requires examining the actual performance of our institutions. Are citizens enjoying greater freedoms? Are elections becoming more credible? Is Parliament exercising effective oversight? Are the courts independent? Are constitutional limits being respected? These questions are particularly relevant as Zimbabwe confronts the implications of Constitutional Amendment No. 3, whose constitutionality remains contested before the courts. The Afrobarometer survey was not a referendum on that amendment, and we must not misrepresent it as one. The findings also challenge those of us in opposition to demonstrate internal democracy, accountability, tolerance and respect for dissent. Democracy cannot be sustained by the people's faith in democracy alone. Its institutions must give that faith practical meaning. The people must remain the source of political authority, not merely spectators in its exercise. #Constitutionalism #Democracy #Zimbabwe #LetThePeopleDecide

WHITHER ZIMBABWE? NINE YEARS LATER In November 2017, we were told that there were “criminals surrounding the President” who had to be removed to save Zimbabwe. Nine years later, who were these criminals? What specific crimes had they committed? Were they ever apprehended, prosecuted and convicted? Fast-forward to October 2026. Vice President Chiwenga has reportedly raised serious allegations of corruption involving individuals close to President Mnangagwa. Yet at the President's recent fundraising dinner, we saw him literally and metaphorically surrounded by Kudakwashe Tagwirei, Scott Sakupwanya and Joachim Chivayo, brother of the late Wicknell Chivayo. Only days earlier, Joachim had publicly recounted extraordinary expenditure, including US$90,000 on shoes and the purchase of luxury vehicles, following payments associated with the Gwanda Solar Project, which remains unfinished. These revelations raise serious questions deserving independent investigation. Even more troubling is Tagwirei's appointment to Cabinet while serious allegations against him remain unresolved. Section 196 of our Constitution is instructive. It requires public officers to demonstrate integrity, honesty, accountability and transparency. It also requires them to avoid conflicts between personal interests and public duties. In a functional constitutional democracy, an impartial and credible public-office vetting system should ensure that serious allegations affecting a prospective Cabinet Minister's integrity are independently examined before an appointment proceeds. The presumption of innocence is a fundamental constitutional protection. But it must not be confused with an automatic entitlement to public office. Public office is a public trust, not a reward for proximity to political power. In 2017, allegations of criminals surrounding the President were used to justify extraordinary political intervention. In 2026, allegations concerning individuals close to his successor raise fundamental questions about whether the same standards of accountability apply. The Constitution cannot demand integrity from ordinary public officers while permitting unanswered questions about integrity at the highest levels of government. Nine years later, have we changed the system, or merely changed the people sitting around the table? Whither Zimbabwe?

US$9.64 BILLION CONDONATION BILL: ACCOUNTABILITY BEFORE APPROVAL Government is asking Parliament to condone approximately US$9.64 billion in unauthorised expenditure incurred between 2015 and 2018. This is not a routine accounting exercise. It concerns public money spent beyond the authority granted by Parliament. Section 307 of our Constitution is clear: The Minister of Finance must seek condonation without delay and no later than 60 days after the extent of unauthorised expenditure has been established. The Minister first sought condonation in 2019. That Bill lapsed in 2020. Why has Government taken another six years to return to Parliament? Who is accountable for this delay? Even more concerning are discrepancies in the figures. For 2018, the current Bill seeks condonation of approximately US$3.56 billion, while the Auditor-General reported approximately US$3.209 billion in unauthorised excess expenditure attributed to the Ministry of Finance. That is a difference of approximately US$351 million requiring explanation. Parliament must establish: 1. Where did the US$9.64 billion go? 2. Who authorised the expenditure? 3. Why was parliamentary approval not obtained when required? 4. Why was the 2019 Bill allowed to lapse? 5. Do the figures reconcile with the Auditor-General's reports? 6. What accountability measures have been taken? Let us be clear: unauthorised expenditure does not automatically mean money was stolen. But it does mean Government spent beyond its parliamentary authority, and that demands a full accounting. At a time when schools lack classrooms, teachers demand decent remuneration, hospitals face resource shortages and pensioners struggle, every dollar of public money must be accounted for. Parliament must not become a rubber stamp for expenditure incurred without its authority. The Constitution cannot be binding on citizens but optional for Government. Condonation must follow accountability, not replace it. #PublicAccountability #DefendTheConstitution #Zimbabwe