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Based on analyzed information from victims' testimonies to lawyers and publicly available sources, we note that Georgia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs employed premeditated brutal methods and systemic torture to suppress peaceful protests that began on November 28. Excessive use of force in dispersing protests The Ministry of Internal Affairs used various special measures to disperse tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators, including water cannons mixed with unknown substances, pepper spray, tear gas of uncertain composition, and other tactics. In some instances, water cannons were deployed following warnings to disperse, while in other cases, riot police initiated chasing and capturing protesters, while warnings were issued after. After using water cannons, riot police launched large quantities of tear gas, which made breathing and visibility impossible, induced panic, and created a significant risk of stampedes and chaos. To apprehend protesters engulfed in tear gas, special forces deployed strike teams that indiscriminately captured anyone unable to leave the area in time. In some cases, peaceful demonstrators who complied with dispersal orders were ambushed, surrounded, and detained by special forces. Torture, Inhumane, and Degrading Treatment of arrestees During arrests, special forces physically abused arrestees, continuing the violence after they were brought into police cordons and into minivans, which were reserved for beatings. Groups of officers would periodically enter these vehicles to assault arrestees, particularly in sensitive areas such as the face, head, and ribs. The violence and torture were directed by a supervisor who gave instructions on the intensity and location of the beatings. Along with physical abuse, arrestees were robbed of their personal belongings. Other reports describe arrestees, beaten and robbed, being doused with cold water. In some instances, injured arrestees were handed items like socks to clean their blood. The arrestees were subjected to verbal abuse, humiliation, and threats of death, rape, or severe bodily harm. One lawyer reported that their client was taken to the Lisi area by law enforcement officers after their arrest and threatened with execution and burial on the spot. Efforts to degrade and humiliate arrestees included taking photos and videos that documented their mockery and mistreatment. Arrestees were forced to recite humiliating phrases about themselves or chant the name of Zviad Kharazishvili (known as "Khareba"). In some cases, the videos were personally recorded by Zviad Kharazishvili, the head of MIA’s Special Task Department. Transfer of beaten and tortured arrestees to police stations and detention facilities After the physical abuse, arrestees were handed over to the patrol police, who transported them to various police departments and then to detention centers after 3-4 hours. Due to overcrowding, arrestees, severely beaten and in torn, wet clothes, had to wait in detention vehicles for several hours (typically 3 or more). In some cases, arrestees were transferred to detention centers in other cities. Most arrest records, created by the police before arrestees were placed in detention, contained false information. Despite clear signs of torture and physical abuse, arrestees were not provided with timely or adequate medical care, and when necessary, were not transferred to proper medical facilities. Before being placed in detention, arrestees were denied access to lawyers and the ability to contact their families. After the 48-hour detention period, most arrestees presented before the court were denied their right to a fair trial. False Testimonies by Police Officers Police administrative offense records are often standardized and contain false information. They describe arrestees' alleged actions in identical terms, such as "cursing" or "insulting," and fail to specify the time or precise location of the offenses. Police witnesses frequently provide vague or contradictory testimonies in court, and many cannot confirm the legal basis for their actions. They also fail to provide relevant video evidence, claiming cameras were off or damaged. In some cases, police witnesses cannot explain their involvement or the orders they followed during arrests. Judges and state representatives often work together to shield police witnesses from critical questions by the defense, assisting them with suggestive comments. Additionally, arrest records often contain inaccurate details about the officers involved, and police do not investigate injuries sustained by arrestees during their arrest.

Since Georgian Dream came to power, several individuals have emerged as the party’s largest donors, contributing significant sums to its funding. These donors are closely linked to major businesses, many of which benefit from state contracts and subsidies. The top contributors include: * David Balanchivadze, former director of RM Gold – 472,000 GEL * Giorgi Chkonia, associated with the company Gza – 460,000 GEL * Nato Khainidrava, linked to Cartu Group – 448,000 GEL * Gia Andghuladze, from Lilo Mall – 397,000 GEL * Vazha Tsigroshvili, connected to Marniskari – 379,000 GEL * Zurab Chkhaidze, associated with Kakhetian Traditional Winemaking – 300,000 GEL * David Dugladze, of Dugladze Wine Company – 282,000 GEL * Irakli Bekauri, of K da Kartuli Spirit – 267,000 GEL In Georgia, the line between business and politics has vanished, with corruption at the core of Georgian Dream's rule. While these corrupt arrangements may offer short-term gains to some, they severely hinder the broader economy and actively support an oppressive, illegitimate government. #Georgia #Protest

#Georgia #Protest #GeVote2024