Independent global network of justice advocates and experts acting for the victims of genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and terrorism.
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ICSF documentation initiative: BANGLADESH CONFLICT WATCH bdconflict.watch
The purpose of this platform is to facilitate documentation of conflict violence and incitement from all sides between 1 July 2024 and now.
Please submit your evidence.
//#Bangladesh’s Int’l Crimes Tribunal: Two Years of Proceedings Raise Serious Questions About Judicial Independence. Since its reconstitution two years ago under the #Yunus-led Interim Government, #Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunals (ICTs) have delivered verdicts in seven cases concerning alleged crimes against humanity committed during the 2024 protests. However, a closer examination of the tribunals’ proceedings reveals a deeply troubling pattern that raises fundamental questions about judicial independence, due process, and the right to a fair trial.//
#Bangladesh’s Int’l Crimes Tribunal: Two Years of Proceedings Raise Serious Questions About Judicial Independence.
Since its reconstitution two years ago under the #Yunus-led Interim Government, #Bangladesh’s International Crimes Tribunals (ICTs) have delivered verdicts in seven cases concerning alleged crimes against humanity committed during the 2024 protests.
However, a closer examination of the tribunals’ proceedings reveals a deeply troubling pattern that raises fundamental questions about judicial independence, due process, and the right to a fair trial.
A Troubling Judicial Record
More than 200 individuals have been detained or shown arrested on the tribunals’ orders, many under an arrest procedure that does not require evidence establishing the commission of a crime at the time of arrest.
Yet, neither tribunal has granted bail to a single detainee. This is despite some individuals having spent more than two years in detention without formal charges, others being elderly or suffering from serious medical conditions, and serious questions surrounding the strength of the allegations against several detainees.
The pattern extends well beyond bail decisions.
The tribunals have reportedly never declined to take cognizance of a formal charge submitted by the prosecution.
They have not rejected a prosecution application for the framing of charges, nor have they granted a single discharge application filed by the defence.
Convictions have overwhelmingly characterised the completed trials. Every accused who has stood trial has been convicted of at least one offence; one, who turned approver, was later pardoned.
Taken together, these outcomes raise an uncomfortable but unavoidable question: Are the tribunals independently assessing the prosecution's allegations and evidence, or have the proceedings become an exercise in securing predetermined outcomes?
As journalist and commentator @TheDavidBergman observes:
“A record like this does not prove that any individual decision was wrong. But it is fair to argue that a court that is genuinely weighing the evidence and assessing the law does not side with the prosecution on these contested questions, in every case, for two years”.
See: counterpointbd.com/Justice-w…
How did matters reach this point?
Several institutional and structural factors appear to have contributed to a situation in which the administration of justice risks becoming subordinate to political considerations.
First, the politicisation of the prosecution: The appointment of prosecutors with overt political affiliations, including individuals associated with #JamaatEIslami and the #BNP, raises legitimate questions about prosecutorial independence and impartiality.
Rather than consistently demonstrating the professional detachment expected of prosecutors handling the gravest international crimes, the prosecution has appeared more concerned with political point-scoring, constructing narratives against political opponents, and pursuing retribution.
Second, the appointment of judges with political affiliations, coupled with concerns over their lack of specialist experience in international criminal law, further undermines confidence in the tribunals' independence.
Third, the absence of effective judicial safeguards and external scrutiny. Articles 47(3) and 47A of the Constitution of Bangladesh substantially restrict the constitutional rights and remedies ordinarily available to accused persons, including their ability to challenge tribunal proceedings before the Supreme Court.
Consequently, crucial decisions concerning arrest, continued detention, bail, and the framing of charges are effectively insulated from independent constitutional judicial review before final judgment.
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@SRjudgeslawyers @IBAHRI @justiceinfonet @OHCHRAsia @hrw @StateDRL @ESandersFCDO @amnestysasia
ICSF retweeted
#Bangladesh’s Persistent #Mob #Violence: What the Data Shows.
According to data from the Human Rights Culture Foundation, 537 incidents of mob violence occurred in Bangladesh between January 1 and October 17 this year, resulting in 256 deaths and 575 injuries, compared to 428 incidents in 2025 and 169 in 2024.
Data from Ain o Salish Kendra (ASK), another human rights organisation, indicates that 171 people were killed in mob violence from January 1 to September 30 this year; the figures for 2024 and 2025 were 128 and 198, respectively.
While methodologies for data collection and calculation may vary across different organizations, the data points to a similar scenario — mob violence has become a grave public security crisis for Bangladesh.
And it is not stopping.
Details: thediplomat.com/2026/10/bang…
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🤖 Made with AI
ICSF retweeted
#Bangladesh’s Persistent #Mob #Violence: Siam Sarower Jamil writes for the @Diplomat_APAC.
“Since the fall of the Sheikh Hasina government on August 5, 2024, mob violence has assumed serious proportions in Bangladesh.
Incidents range from individuals being beaten to death over allegations of religious blasphemy to attacks driven by personal vendettas or attempts to seize property. Mobs have indulged in vandalism and attacked shrines, newspaper offices and cultural organizations, national monuments, and memorials related to the 1971 liberation war, even exhuming bodies from graves.
The recent killing of 38-year-old Wahiduzzaman Shamim in Satkhira in southwest Bangladesh on allegations of blasphemy and attacks on a charitable maternity clinic in the capital, Dhaka, have only deepened these concerns.
After the exit of the Awami League government, the interim administration under Dr. Mohammad Yunus (August 2024-February 2026) failed to act effectively amid the deteriorating law and order situation. Since February, Bangladesh has an elected government led by the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP). However, mob violence persists.
…There are allegations that leaders and activists from the ruling BNP are involved in incidents related to the seizure of property…Meanwhile, questions have been raised about the role of the opposition Jamaat-e-Islami, Bangladesh’s largest Islamist party, and its associates in mob violence linked to religious issues. The killing of 38-year-old Shamim in the name of protecting Islam is just one example…”
Read More:
thediplomat.com/2026/10/bang…
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ICSF retweeted
Weaponisation of #Blasphemy Allegations to Target #Hindus Continues in #Bangladesh: Hindu Youth Arrested on Questionable Charges in #Sunamganj; Three Hindu Homes Vandalised and Looted in #Rangpur.
Allegations of blasphemy, particularly accusations of insulting #Islam or the Prophet, have long been weaponised to intimidate, persecute, and attack members of Bangladesh’s #Hindu minority.
Such accusations have repeatedly served as a pretext for mob violence, arbitrary detention, and the vandalism and looting of private property. In some cases, they have even resulted in brutal mob lynchings.
The allegations themselves are often treated as sufficient justification for punishment, with little regard for evidence, due process, or the fundamental rights of the accused.
Two incidents reported on 26 October 2026 illustrate this disturbing pattern.
Sunamganj: Hindu Youth Arrested Despite Earlier Complaint About Fake Social Media Accounts
On 26 October 2026, a Hindu youth named Kripesh Roy was arrested and sent to jail in Tahirpur Upazila of Sunamganj district over allegations of making derogatory remarks about Islam.
However, an important detail raises serious questions about the credibility of the accusations.
Kripesh had reportedly filed a General Diary (GD) with the local police station before his arrest, alleging that unidentified individuals had created fake social media accounts impersonating him and members of his family and were using those accounts to circulate hateful content.
Despite this prior complaint, Kripesh was arrested and imprisoned over the alleged offensive posts.
Rangpur: Three Hindu Homes Attacked, Vandalised and Looted
On the same day, three homes belonging to Hindu families were reportedly attacked, vandalised, and looted in Pirganj Upazila of Rangpur district following allegations of insulting Islam.
What makes this incident particularly disturbing is that the blasphemy allegations were not even directed against the Hindu families whose homes were targeted.
Their apparent misfortune was simply living near the individual accused of making the allegedly offensive remarks.
Yet their homes became targets of collective punishment, exposing how easily religious allegations can be exploited to unleash violence against vulnerable minority communities, including people with no connection whatsoever to the original accusation.
These incidents highlight a broader and deeply troubling problem in Bangladesh: the ease with which unverified allegations of religious offence can be turned into instruments of intimidation, persecution, and violence, especially targeting vulnerable religious minority communities.
The authorities must ensure impartial investigations, protect those facing threats, hold perpetrators of violence and property destruction accountable, and prevent the criminal justice system from becoming an instrument of religious persecution.
No allegation of religious offence can justify mob violence, arbitrary detention, or collective punishment.
The protection of religious minorities is not an act of charity; it is a fundamental obligation of the state.
Report:
dw.com/bn/%E0%A6%A7%E0%A6%B0…
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@hrw @amnestysasia @StateIRF @USCIRF @StateDRL @BobBlackman @CJBdingo25 @Chellaney @paulocasaca1 @nadinemaenza @NazilaGhanea @ESandersFCDO
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ICSF retweeted
Two Bangladeshi citizens, Nazrul Islam Abdul Basir and Siti (Sweety) Akhtar, were executed in Saudi Arabia on 14 October 2026. Their own government learned of it only after it was over. Yesterday, 26 October, members of the British Bangladeshi diaspora gathered outside the Embassy of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in London to protest the executions. They submitted a formal memorandum to the Embassy seeking disclosure, accountability, and justice.
The memorandum puts it plainly:
"More than three million Bangladeshis live and work in Saudi Arabia. They build your cities, staff your homes and hospitals, and serve the millions of pilgrims from around the world who come to your holy places each year. They deserve dignity and gratitude, not to be treated as disposable people whose lives can be ended so casually and arbitrarily .
. . .
These executions raise more than questions of diplomatic obligation and human rights law. They are a test of the ideals of justice and mercy that the Kingdom, as Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, is supposed to uphold before the Muslim world."
The memorandum calls on the Government of Saudi Arabia to:
1. Make public the charges against Nazrul Islam Abdul Basir and Siti (Sweety) Akhtar and the nature of their legal defence. Disclose the trial record, the judgment, the appeal decision and the Royal Order confirming the sentences.
2. Publish all communication with the Embassy of Bangladesh in Riyadh and its Consulate General in Jeddah, from arrest to execution. State whether, when and how each detainee was informed of the right to consular access.
3. Commission an independent review of the arrest, investigation, prosecution, verdict and sentencing, and of the consular handling of the case, and publish its report. Hold to account any officials who failed in their duties at any stage.
4. Audit, and make public, all cases of Bangladeshi nationals currently detained, on trial or under sentence in Saudi Arabia, including those facing the death penalty.
5. Set out publicly the protection and support available to migrant workers in Saudi Arabia, including legal aid, interpretation, complaint mechanisms, consular access and compensation.
6. Disclose all complaints of abuse of Bangladeshi migrant workers received by the Saudi authorities over the past ten years, and how each was handled and resolved.
The Saudi authorities have been given 30 days to respond in writing.
The memorandum closes:
"We make these demands with respect for the [Saudi] Kingdom, its people and the sanctity of its holy places. That respect must be matched by respect for the sanctity of life, and for justice that is seen to be done."
The protest does not end at the Embassy door.
Copies of the memorandum, with letters setting out the concerns, have also been sent to:
-- The High Commission of Bangladesh in London, asking the Government of Bangladesh to act for its citizens
-- The UN Special Rapporteur on extrajudicial, summary or arbitrary executions
-- The UN Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants
-- The UN Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers
-- The UN Working Group on discrimination against women and girls
-- The UK Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Office's Minister for the Middle East and North Africa
Each letter asks for disclosure of the case record, the return of the remains to the families, and protection for the many Bangladeshis still detained or on trial in the Gulf. The letters also urge the Government of Bangladesh to take up its own duty of vigilance over the citizens whose labour and remittances sustain the country.
As a member of the Bangladeshi diaspora in the UK, I stand in solidarity with everyone who came out yesterday to protest. @OxfordMatrix is currently providing technical support to the diaspora members on this issue, and will continue to do so as responses come in.
#Bangladesh #SaudiArabia #MigrantRights #HumanRights #DeathPenalty #ConsularRights #DueProcess #JusticeForSweety #BritishBangladeshi @amnesty @ALQST_En @hrw @BDMOFA @KSAMOFA @KSAMOFAEN @UN_WGDAWG
ICSF retweeted
BNP Activists Attack #CPB Office in #Dhaka's Purana Paltan; Two CPB Supporters Injured.
The office of the Communist Party of #Bangladesh (CPB) in Dhaka's Purana Paltan came under attack on the night of 26 October by leaders and activists of the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (#BNP) and its affiliated organisations, including Jubo Dal and Chhatra Dal.
According to CPB and its affiliated orgs, the attackers sought to justify their actions by branding the CPB and its supporters as allies of the #AwamiLeague.
The attack left two members of Jubo Union, the CPB-affiliated youth organisation, injured. Police, rather than take action against the ruling party thugs, denied that an attack or injuries had occurred, and in fact detained two CPB supporters.
Source:
tbsnews.net/bangladesh/cpb-o…
The incident is another disturbing example of the political intolerance and violence that have increasingly characterised Bangladesh's post August 2024 political landscape.
Over the past two years, political parties outside the dominant right-wing political establishment have faced systematic intimidation, attacks, harassment and restrictions on their political activities.
The Awami League has borne the brunt of this campaign. Party offices across the country, numbering in the hundreds, have been vandalised, torched, looted or forcibly occupied.
Its leaders, activists and supporters have faced widespread arrests, criminal cases and political persecution.
Nor has the violence been confined to the Awami League.
The Jatiya Party (JP) has repeatedly faced attacks on its offices and political activities. The Jatiya Samajtantrik Dal (JASAD) and the Workers Party of Bangladesh have also faced political intimidation, attacks, criminal cases and arbitrary detention.
The latest attack on the CPB office demonstrates how the mere allegation of association with the Awami League can be weaponised to justify violence against another political organisation.
An increasingly disturbing pattern is emerging: political participation appears to be tolerated only for parties belonging to the "right" of the political spectrum.
Under the successive #Yunus and #Tarique-led administrations, the political space has been exclusively dominated by BNP, #JamaatEIslami and their allies, while parties outside this ideological spectrum face intimidation, restrictions and, in some cases, outright prohibition.
The result is a deeply exclusionary political environment in which around half the population are effectively denied meaningful political representation.
Freedom of association, peaceful assembly and political expression cannot be privileges reserved for parties acceptable to those in power.
These are fundamental civil and political rights that must extend equally to all citizens, regardless of their political beliefs or affiliations.
A #democracy cannot function when one segment of the political spectrum enjoys the freedom to organise, campaign and contest political power while its opponents are silenced through legal restrictions, intimidation and violence.
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@Ginitastar @PearsonElaine @hrw @amnestysasia @AgnesCallamard @volker_turk @StateDRL @State_SCA @ESandersFCDO
ICSF retweeted
#JamaatEIslami Activists Obstruct Funeral and Burial of Liberation War Veteran Manik Posari in #Pirojpur.
In a deeply disturbing incident, activists and supporters of Jamaat obstructed the funeral and burial arrangements of Manik Posari, a veteran of #Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, in Pirojpur on Saturday.
Posari was also the complainant in a crimes against humanity case against former Jamaat-e-Islami leader Delwar Hossain Sayeedi, who was convicted by the Int'l Crimes Tribunal (ICT) in February 2013.
Forced to Leave Home in Aug-2024
Following the political upheaval in August 2024, Posari reportedly faced threats and intimidation from Jamaat supporters, making it unsafe for him to continue living at his ancestral home in Pirojpur.
He subsequently took refuge in #Gopalganj, where he reportedly remained until his death.
Jamaat Activists Oppose State Honours for Freedom Fighter
On Saturday, Posari's body was brought from #Tungipara in Gopalganj to the Pirojpur Sadar Upazila Parishad premises around noon, where arrangements had been made to accord him a state guard of honour in recognition of his service during the Liberation War.
However, local Jamaat leaders, activists and supporters reportedly gathered at the venue and obstructed the ceremony, opposing the granting of state honours to the deceased freedom fighter.
With tensions escalating, police were forced to relocate the body to the Pirojpur Police Lines, where Posari was eventually accorded a guard of honour around 5:00 pm under tight security.
Jamaat Supporters Allegedly Fill in Grave Prepared for Burial
The intimidation reportedly continued even after the guard of honour. A grave prepared for Posari's burial in his ancestral village of Chithalia was allegedly filled in by Jamaat supporters on Saturday evening.
According to Posari's sister, Hasina Begum, the group chanted slogans while filling in the freshly dug grave, effectively preventing the family from proceeding with the burial as planned.
The act of desecrating a prepared burial site further heightened fears among family members and local residents.
Burial Finally Completed Around 1.00 am Under Police Protection
Around midnight, police escorted Posari's body to his family residence. His burial was finally completed approximately an hour later, after the grave had been re-excavated, under tight police security.
The atmosphere of intimidation reportedly prevented many of his relatives, friends and well-wishers from attending the final rites.
According to accounts of the incident, only his wife and sister were present among his closest family members, alongside police personnel and a small number of local residents.
A Disturbing Trend of Intolerance Towards Liberation War Veterans
The reported obstruction of Manik Posari's funeral raises serious questions about the security, dignity and treatment of Bangladesh's Liberation War veterans in post-August 2024 Bangladesh, particularly those who participated in legal proceedings concerning crimes committed during the 1971 war.
Posari had already reportedly been forced to leave his home because of threats following the August 2024 political upheaval. That he was denied even a peaceful farewell in his ancestral village underscores the gravity of the intimidation faced by him and his family.
News:
thedailystar.net/news/news/s…
...
ICSF retweeted
#Bangladesh's Top #Cop Openly Advocates Extrajudicial Killings in the Name of Maintaining Law and Order.
"If the government allows, we won't hesitate to use crossfire to control the law and order situation."
This alarming statement was reportedly made by Bangladesh's Inspector General of #Police (IGP), Md. Ali Hossain Fakir, at an event in #Chattogram on Monday, 26 October 2026.
Source: @dbcnews_tv
In Bangladesh, the term "crossfire" has long been associated with a notorious practice of extrajudicial killings, in which deaths at the hands of law enforcement agencies are presented as the consequences of supposed armed encounters or exchanges of gunfire.
The term is not merely a euphemism. It carries a deeply troubling history of alleged summary executions, fabricated encounters, and the systematic denial of due process and accountability.
Against this backdrop, the IGP's remarks amount to an apparent endorsement of extrajudicial killings by the country's highest-ranking police official, subject only to government authorisation.
This raises a fundamental question: Since when does government permission make an extrajudicial killing lawful?
No government can legitimately authorise law enforcement agencies to bypass the courts and execute individuals suspected of criminal activity.
The right to life, the presumption of innocence, and the right to a fair trial are fundamental legal protections, not privileges that can be suspended at the discretion of the executive.
Beyond the grave #humanrights implications, there is no credible basis for treating extrajudicial killings as an effective or sustainable solution to deteriorating law and order.
Such practices risk encouraging impunity, undermining public trust in the police, and further weakening the rule of law.
Rather than advocating a return to a discredited and abusive practice, the IGP should focus on addressing the structural problems undermining law enforcement in Bangladesh.
These include the lack of professionalism within policing institutions, overt political interference, #corruption, weak #accountability mechanisms, misuse of law enforcement resources to target political opponents of the government, and failures in criminal investigation and prosecution.
Bangladesh does not need more extrajudicial killings.
It needs professional, impartial, accountable, and effective law enforcement.
#Bangladesh #HumanRights #RuleOfLaw #ExtrajudicialKillings @hrw @amnestysasia @IBAHRI @ESandersFCDO @Kennedy_HRC @SRjudgeslawyers @omctorg
ICSF retweeted
The Independent International Commission of Inquiry on #Ukraine has found that the Russian authorities have committed #warcrimes of intentionally directing attacks against civilian objects and the #crimeagainsthumanity of other inhumane acts.
ICSF retweeted
An Iraqi court has sentenced six French nationals to life imprisonment and a seventh to 15 years in prison after convicting them of being members of the #IslamicState.
reuters.com/world/middle-eas…
ICSF retweeted
The Pristina Basic Court has found Milorad #Djokovic guilty of committing #warcrimes against the Albanian civilian population in the village of Ozdrim and the municipality of Peja/Pec during the 1998-1999 war in #Kosovo.
gazetaexpress.com/en/millora…
ICSF retweeted
The Military Criminal Court in #Aleppo has sentenced two men to death for their roles in a March 2025 uprising that resulted in the killing of many civilians, primarily #Alawites.
sana.sy/en/syria/2350857/
//Division is a classification under Bangladesh's prison rules that affords eligible prisoners modestly improved conditions of detention. The Court granted it to him on the basis of his age, health, standing and public service. He has a serious cardiac condition, and the remote monitor for his implanted defibrillator has remained disconnected since his arrest. He is now held in a cell with eight other prisoners. Interestingly, the Tribunal's recent judgment in Mr Inu's case states in page 63: "Continuous attention was paid to the safeguards relating respectively to humane treatment of accused and protection against arbitrary detention, thereby ensuring that the dignity and legal rights of the accused was respected throughout the proceedings." (emphasis added) Yet he was denied bail throughout the trial, despite posing no flight risk and being entitled to the presumption of innocence. Now even his division has been withdrawn.//
As counsel for Mr Hasanul Haq Inu, I am gravely concerned by the cancellation of his "Division status" at the Jail.
Mr Inu, 80, is the President of JASOD, one of the oldest socialist parties in Bangladesh. He was a valiant freedom fighter and a veteran parliamentarian, who served the country with dignity and integrity all his life. He has been detained by the authorities since August 2024. The International Crimes Tribunal-2 recently convicted him on charges arising from the July 2024 uprising and sentenced him to 10 years' imprisonment. His appeal is pending.
Division is a classification under Bangladesh's prison rules that affords eligible prisoners modestly improved conditions of detention. The Court granted it to him on the basis of his age, health, standing and public service. He has a serious cardiac condition, and the remote monitor for his implanted defibrillator has remained disconnected since his arrest. He is now held in a cell with eight other prisoners.
Interestingly, the Tribunal's recent judgment in Mr Inu's case states in page 63: "Continuous attention was paid to the safeguards relating respectively to humane treatment of accused and protection against arbitrary detention, thereby ensuring that the dignity and legal rights of the accused was respected throughout the proceedings." (emphasis added)
Yet he was denied bail throughout the trial, despite posing no flight risk and being entitled to the presumption of innocence. Now even his division has been withdrawn.
Fellow colleagues in Mr Inu's defence team have already raised the issue before the Tribunal, which heard the submission but gave no direction. A formal letter seeking reinstatement of his Division status will be submitted to the International Crimes Tribunal this week. An earlier letter to the Gazipur District Commissioner was forwarded to the Home Ministry, where it still remains unprocessed at the concerned Prison Branch Office. We also intend to bring this matter to the attention of the Appellate Division of the Supreme Court of Bangladesh at the Appeal stage for Mr Inu.
We urge the public to remain vigilant. As his legal team, alongside his family and political associates, we remain committed to robustly protecting Mr Hasanul Haq Inu's rights.
Nobel Peace Prize 2026
Navanethem "Navi" Pillay Nobel Peace Prize 2026
Champion for international legal order
Navanethem “Navi” Pillay has been at the forefront in the development of an international legal order. Ms Pillay was educated in the law and soon began defending activists who stood up against apartheid. She grew up in a family of Indian Tamil descent in Durban, South Africa, where in 1967 she founded her own law firm. In the 1980s she studied at Harvard University and earned her Doctor of Juridical Science degree there in 1988.
Dr. Pillay was appointed to the High Court of South Africa in 1995. Four years later she became a judge and President of the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR), where she gained distinction for her role in establishing that sexual violence and rape as well as the spreading of propaganda could lead to indictment for crimes against humanity and genocide. She was then named to serve as a judge on the International Criminal Court (ICC). From 2008 to 2014 she served as the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR). Navi Pillay also chaired the UN Independent International Commission of Inquiry on the Occupied Palestinian Territory from 2021 to 2025, and in 2019 she became an ad hoc judge on the International Court of Justice (ICJ) in the case in which Myanmar stands accused of genocide.
The Norwegian Nobel Committee attaches importance to Navi Pillay’s role as a driving force in the development of an international system of law and order, while further emphasising her judicial rigour, personal integrity and considerable courage. At a time when the number of wars and conflicts is rising, and when judges and institutions of international law are under political attack, the Nobel Committee wishes to issue a reminder that the ability to resolve conflicts without force or violence is dependent on the international rule of law. An international legal system in which war criminals are held to account and the victims of abuse see justice served is a precondition for a peaceful world.
nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/…
ICSF retweeted
Rather than heeding calls from int’l human rights and press freedom organisations to drop crimes against humanity charges against #journalists, the #Bangladesh authorities appear to be doubling down on what critics regard as the misuse of the criminal justice process by bringing fresh crimes against humanity charges against members of the press.
Three journalists, Farzana Rupa, Mozammel Babu and Shyamal Dutta, detained for more than two years, are now facing prosecution for crimes against humanity charges arising from questions they asked and/or comments they made at a press conference on 14 July 2024. The allegations claim that the journalists “instigated” violence against protesters through their questions and comments.
Commenting recently on the charges, journalist @TheDavidBergman wrote:
“…but nothing that happened at the July 14 press conference—nothing said by those journalists—provides a credible basis for their arrests on such grounds. To claim otherwise is to misapply the law and misuse the criminal justice process.”
Analysis: thedailystar.net/opinion/vie…
This is not the first time journalists in Bangladesh have faced such extraordinary allegations under the successive administrations led by Muhammad Yunus and Tarique Rahman.
The earlier decision to prosecute Farzana Rupa and Mozammel Babu on alleged crimes against humanity charges arising from their reporting of the violent events of 5 May 2013 was met with widespread concern and condemnation.
Int’l human rights and press freedom organisations, as well as civil society groups, including @amnesty, @hrw, @article19org, @CPJAsia and @CIVICUSalliance, called for the charges to be dropped immediately.
Rather than responding to these concerns, the BNP-led authorities in Bangladesh appear to have doubled down on the use of the criminal justice system against journalists.
As David Bergman has warned that with such questionable charges:
“It (ICT) risks becoming an instrument for prosecuting journalism and pursuing those whose politics the prosecutors oppose.”
The growing use of crimes against humanity proceedings
against journalists raises serious questions about press freedom, due process and the independence and proper use of Bangladesh’s criminal justice institutions. Journalists must not be prosecuted simply for their reporting, questions, opinions or political views.
…
ICSF retweeted
From BDWatch, we have regularly reported on the harassment and persecution of higher-education students in the post-Aug 2024 climate of fear in #Bangladesh, where thousands of students were targeted solely because of their perceived or actual political affiliations.
A related but less discussed dimension of this Chinese Cultural Revolution–style “purge” has been the systematic targeting and removal of teachers from schools and colleges across Bangladesh.
An estimated 4,500 teachers, including principals and other academic staff, have been forced to resign, in many cases while being surrounded, threatened or assaulted by violent mobs.
At least eight teachers and academic staff have reportedly died following incidents involving physical assault, public humiliation and/or severe psychological trauma.
A further 500 have reportedly suffered physical injuries or serious psychological distress, while approximately 940 academics continue to be deprived of their salaries and other employment-related entitlements.
The overwhelming majority of those affected are teachers employed by private educational institutions. A large percentage of those affected include members of religious minority communities.
Despite two government directives and High Court rulings intended to facilitate their reinstatement and restoration of their rights, many of these academics have been unable to return to their workplaces because of continuing concerns over their personal safety and security. Many also remain unable to recover unpaid salaries and other benefits.
Repeated representations to the Ministry of Education and petitions before the courts have failed to provide effective relief to the aggrieved academics.
These cases therefore raise serious concerns about due process, employment rights, academic freedom, institutional autonomy and the protection of educators from politically motivated persecution.
News: dhakatribune.com/bangladesh/…
It has been reported that Farida Sharmeen, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Education, is scheduled to visit Bangladesh next month.
Her visit presents an important opportunity to hear directly from affected teachers and students, whose experiences have received limited international attention. It is particularly important that the Special Rapporteur meet these individuals, document their grievances and assess whether adequate domestic remedies have been made available to them.
For many of these persecuted academics, repeated recourse to authorities and the courts have failed to secure meaningful redress. Their cases therefore warrant independent international scrutiny and attention to ensure that their fundamental rights are restored and protected.
…
@UN_SPExperts @UN_HRC @UNSR_Education @UNESCO
ICSF retweeted
In its latest statement titled “Bangladeshi Police Round Up Opposition Supporters: Mass Arrests Continue the Cycle of Political Repression,” the Human Rights Watch (HRW) has highlighted the issue of arbitrary detention and politically motivated arrests of opposition activists in #Bangladesh under the BNP-led government.
In the statement, HRW described the mass arrest of around 290 activists and supporters of the small left-wing party JSD at a meeting in Dhaka on September 26 as “the latest incident in the Bangladesh authorities’ ongoing assault on civil and political rights.”
HRW noted that, despite having itself been subjected to human rights violations under the Awami League (AL) government, the BNP, since assuming power in February 2026, has allegedly engaged in similar patterns of rights violations. @PearsonElaine, Asia Director at @hrw, stated:
“BNP targeted its own perceived opponents with arbitrary detention and hundreds of Awami League members are currently in jail, mostly without charge.”
The statement also highlighted the repeated police raids and arrests targeting alleged gatherings of AL supporters. On September 26, the same day as the JSD meeting, police in Barisal detained 12 AL activists for allegedly holding a “secret” meeting to “plan sabotage.” Two days later, police arrested another 15 people in Dhaka under the Anti-Terrorism Act on similar allegations.
In both instances, those detained reportedly stated that they had gathered to mark the birthday of former Prime Minister #SheikhHasina.
HRW expressed concern that the BNP came to power with a commitment to restore human rights, strengthen the rule of law, and uphold fundamental freedoms. Instead, the new government has engaged in arbitrary detention of political opponents and weakened or rolled back human-rights safeguards proposed by the interim government.
HRW emphasised that past rights violations committed during the AL’s tenure cannot provide legal or moral justification for comparable violations by the BNP government. HRW also issued a broader warning about the consequences of continued violations of civil and political rights by stating:
“Bangladeshi history is rife with examples of where such repression can lead,”
Statement: hrw.org/news/2026/10/05/bang…
ICSF retweeted
The ICC strongly rejects US sanctions against the institution:
🎥 Video Statement by the President of the #ICC, Tomoko Akane
Learn more ➡️ icc-cpi.pulse.ly/kyrbe2l43a
ICSF retweeted
BREAKING NEWS
The Norwegian Nobel Committee has decided to award the 2026 #NobelPeacePrize to Navanethem “Navi” Pillay for her efforts to promote peace and international law.
#NobelPrize
ICSF retweeted
The Victorian Court of Appeal has dismissed the appeal by #Krauatatungalung Elder Robbie #Thorpe, finding among others that the alleged charges “did not disclose an offence known to the law of #Victoria”.
abc.net.au/news/2026-09-29/g…
