Hans

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Mr 6 Months, your lies and deception can no longer fool the people of Kenya. Not a minute more, ndugu. Yesterday, I called you out for going to cheat my cousins in the Gusii Nation. Even tomorrow, I know the lies you are going to spread. The only thing you are doing is an old script of memorizing names of villages and roads in Kisii and Nyamira. This is an old tired script you used in 2022. What a horrible playbook! In four years, you have done nothing for them. No roads, no water, no electricity, no airport, nothing. ZERO! All you have are more lies and handouts. RiggyG is not a road in Kisii or Nyamira. Rigathi is not a water project. Gachagua is not an airport. The truthful man is not a rural electrification project. I am sorry you have nothing to tell my cousins. Maybe you should re-launch the cancer hospital you have launched five times, two of them in my presence. Leave DCP aspirants alone, or you will get another egg in the face, just like when you tried to con the widow and children of my late brother, Governor Gachagua. I told you in advance that I would teach you real politics. The half dose I gave you in Olkalou was just a dress rehearsal. I am preparing the full dose to administer intravenously on 10th August 2027. You will not believe the lethargy. It will be cruel, fast and furious. We shall apply a double Olkalou template in all 290 constituencies across the country. You will have no escape route to rig the elections, intimidate any public servant, or misuse our police service or any state agency. For your information, they are also waiting for you. Every time they look at their payslips or try to access medical care, they vow to retaliate at the ballot on 10th August 2027. You shall vacate State House in shame and humiliation. That is my promise to you and the country! Adios!

Rigathi Gachagua is playing a deeper game than most people realise. He knows the Court of Appeal will uphold his impeachment and lock him out of the presidential race. He also knows that large, excited crowds do not automatically become votes. That is why his real focus appears to be on shaping the ticket rather than forcing himself onto it. Kalonzo Musyoka is respectable, but a significant section of voters may see him as part of the old establishment. Edwin Sifuna, by contrast, carries fresher energy and seems able to connect with both younger and older voters. The reaction whenever Sifuna’s name comes up is politically telling. The Kitengela rally looks like a deliberate message. Gachagua reportedly met Sifuna beforehand, then went to the event with Kalonzo. Sifuna stayed away. Through the crowd’s response, Gachagua appears to have let Kalonzo see for himself that the ground is warming to Sifuna—without having to say it directly. In coalition talks, this sets up a clear argument: make Sifuna the presidential candidate because of his broader appeal, then give the Mt Kenya region the deputy president slot. Without a meaningful stake for the Kikuyu vote, full mobilisation becomes harder. At that point Kalonzo would face a difficult choice—accept a powerful position such as Prime Cabinet Secretary, or walk away and try another arrangement. If Gachagua is ultimately barred from the ballot, he can still operate as a kingmaker, influencing who runs, who becomes running mate, and who gets key government roles. Matiang’i and others could be accommodated within the same negotiated structure. The larger point is that Gachagua may not need to be the man on the ticket. He may be positioning himself to decide who is, who stands beside them, and how the government is formed afterwards—with the shared aim of ending Ruto’s presidency.

I think all political commentators discussing simanyi succession being different from transition as if the result of transition will be called Transistor instead of Successor. Then simanyi they do not want constipated democracy agreement, they should think of a forth option. Hold free and fair election managed by a neutral third party such as the UN and AU. Government passes a law to invite invite an external body to manage elections and solve a profound crisis of legitimacy. Organisations such as the United Nations, African Union, European Union, or regional bodies would manage the whole process. Given the level of mistrust. The conditions that typically make such an arrangement acceptable include: 1. Collapse of trust in domestic institutions When the electoral commission, courts, security services, or civil service are perceived as partisan, the competing political actors may no longer trust any institution controlled by the state. Examples: ➡️Following a civil war. ➡️After disputed elections that triggered violence. ➡️During a transition from authoritarian rule to democracy. 2. A negotiated political settlement Government and opposition agree that neither side should control the electoral process. This is often part of: ➡️Peace accords. ➡️National dialogue processes. ➡️Power-sharing agreements. ➡️Transitional government arrangements. In such circumstances, external involvement is a mechanism for reducing mutual suspicion. 3. Transitional rather than succession politics The distinction is important. In a normal succession, the existing constitutional order remains intact and domestic institutions are expected to conduct elections. In a transition, the very rules of the political system may be under review. In such cases, a neutral external referee may be invited to help manage the transition. 4. Security concerns External involvement may be considered where: ➡️Armed groups control parts of the country. ➡️State security forces are viewed as partisan. ➡️Political violence is widespread. ➡️Candidates fear intimidation. International participation can provide confidence that voters and candidates will not be unfairly disadvantaged. 5. Agreement on minimum democratic guarantees All major parties would normally need to agree on: ➡️A neutral electoral authority. ➡️Equal media access. ➡️Transparent voter registration. ➡️Transparent vote counting. ➡️Independent dispute resolution. ➡️Acceptance of results certified through an agreed process. Without such guarantees, even an internationally managed election can be disputed. 6. Constitutional or legal mandate For international management to be legitimate, there is usually: ➡️Parliamentary approval. ➡️A transitional constitutional framework. ➡️A peace agreement. ➡️A UN Security Council mandate in extreme cases. Otherwise the arrangement may be viewed as an infringement of sovereignty. Historical examples Examples of significant international involvement include: ➡️Namibia (1989) under UN supervision. ➡️Cambodia (1993) under the UN Transitional Authority. ➡️East Timor (1999 and 2001). ➡️Bosnia and Herzegovina after the Dayton Peace Agreement. ➡️Kosovo during its post-conflict transition.

The framers of the Constitution of Uganda were very clear that the people will determine who and how they are governed through free and fair elections.The Constitution does not recognize or know anything called transition.

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I got news for you namesake. Tokureba ngu you are efficient at Public Square and other personal projects, it’s because you have systems and dictate the flow of work. Bakuhamu kya Kampala, things change. Because you don’t have that luxury. You’ll be apologizing instead of working.