Abdirizak Muhumed

Somalia’s Political Future: Somali-Led Dialogue and Constructive Regional Partnership The recent statements by some Somali officials concerning the alleged involvement of neighbouring countries in Somalia’s internal political affairs underscore the sensitivity of the country’s current political environment. While legitimate security and political concerns deserve appropriate attention, such matters are best addressed through credible evidence, constructive engagement, and established diplomatic channels. Public allegations, particularly when not substantiated, risk undermining mutual trust and diverting attention from the political dialogue needed to resolve outstanding differences. It is important, in this context, to acknowledge the considerable sacrifices made by neighbouring countries and regional partners in supporting Somalia’s state-building efforts, strengthening its security institutions, and combating the persistent threat posed by Al-Shabaab. Their contributions reflect the interconnected nature of security and stability in the Horn of Africa and underscore the importance of preserving constructive relations, even when concerns or disagreements arise. A Somali-led solution means that Somalia’s political disagreements must be addressed primarily by Somalis themselves, through inclusive dialogue among the Federal Government, the leadership of South West State, federal member states, political leaders, civil society, and other relevant stakeholders. Such engagement should be guided by constitutional principles, mutually agreed political processes, respect for institutional mandates, and the legitimate aspirations of the Somali people. Rather than allowing disagreements to deepen divisions or attributing domestic political difficulties to external actors without credible evidence, Somali leaders should focus on identifying the underlying causes of their differences and negotiating a peaceful, mutually acceptable way forward. This approach does not exclude the role of neighbouring countries or international partners. On the contrary, their diplomatic engagement, security cooperation, and support for reconciliation can be valuable when offered in a manner that respects Somalia’s sovereignty and ownership of its political process. The distinction is that external partners can facilitate and support a settlement, but the legitimacy and durability of that settlement must ultimately rest on Somali consensus and institutions. I therefore respectfully call upon all Somali political stakeholders to exercise restraint, avoid rhetoric that could unnecessarily strain regional relations, and commit to a structured and inclusive process of dialogue. Where concerns about external interference exist, they should be examined impartially through appropriate diplomatic mechanisms. At the same time, neighbouring countries should continue to be engaged as partners in peace and regional stability, rather than becoming the focus of unsubstantiated political accusations. The peace and security of Somalia are inseparable from the stability of the wider Horn of Africa. Preserving mutual trust, strengthening regional cooperation, and respecting national sovereignty are therefore shared responsibilities. Ultimately, Somalia’s challenges will not be resolved by searching for external explanations alone, but by building internal political consensus, strengthening democratic institutions, and cultivating a culture of negotiation and compromise. The responsibility rests with Somali leaders to place national unity and the welfare of their people above immediate political interests, while regional partners support an inclusive, peaceful, and Somali-owned process. The objective should be clear: a stable, sovereign, and democratic Somalia, at peace with itself and its neighbours, where political differences are resolved through dialogue and where regional cooperation reinforces—not substitutes for—national responsibility.

Khasaaraha nafeed iyo midka hanti ee Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka Soomaaliyeed ka soo gaaray weerarkii argagixisada ee deegaanka Jameeco waxa uu murugo weyn ku reebay guud ahaan ummadda Soomaaliyeed. Waxaan tacsi tiiraanyo leh u dirayaa qoysaska iyo Ciidanka Xoogga Dalka.

Our comprehensive efforts to sustainably ensure our country's peace and security have reached a new milestone today. The state of readiness being built within Ethiopia's defense forces is endowing the nation with the capability to preemptively deter aggression. In accordance with our prior agreement with the Russian government, we have today taken delivery of the first twelve Su-35 4++ Generation fighter jets. Additionally, Ethiopia will receive four S-400 air defense system batteries. I would like to express my gratitude to my friend, Russian President Vladimir Putin, for his dedication in ensuring we received these warplanes a year ahead of our agreed schedule. By equipping itself with these fighter jets, Ethiopia has taken the lead among Sub-Saharan African nations. This historic achievement further strengthens our nation's sovereignty, and it will serve as a massive capability boost that allows us to confidently continue our journey toward ensuring our collective security and regional stability in the future.

I have arrived in Nairobi, Kenya, to participate in the Extraordinary Meeting of the Bureau of EAC Speakers. I look forward to constructive discussions on strengthening cooperation among the parliaments of East African Community Partner States, deepening our working relations and advancing shared regional priorities.

I held a fruitful bilateral meeting with President Vladimir Putin to discuss avenues for further strengthening the longstanding relations between Ethiopia and Russia. Our discussions addressed cooperation in nuclear energy, health, and trade, as well as bilateral and multilateral matters of mutual interest. I also personally presented President Putin with the Russian edition of my book, Medemer, reflecting our shared commitment to dialogue, mutual understanding, and the continued advancement of Ethiopia–Russia relations.

I am fascinated to see a publication from US AFRICOM refer to Eritrea as "one of the only stable countries in the troubled [Red Sea] region." That explains a lot. adf-magazine.com/2026/10/red…

Over 60 Amhara Orthodox Christians—including children and the elderly—were massacred in Arsi, Oromia, with homes torched and churches targeted. When Abiy’s government enables or fails to halt the systematic slaughter of its own citizens, it loses every shred of sovereign legitimacy. Ethiopia’s internal collapse is no longer theoretical; it is an active atrocity crisis. While innocent civilians are slaughtered in Arsi and rural corridors descend into mass graves, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed is provoking Eritrea, Egypt, entangling in Sudan, and violating Somalia’s sovereignty via Somaliland. A state burning from within cannot be a stable regional anchor or Red Sea partner. While the US and EU hide behind diplomatic calls for "de-escalation," an ethnic and humanitarian catastrophe is accelerating in plain sight. @SecRubio @StateDept @US_SrAdvisorAF This is not “tension.” We are staring at the next Rwanda. #Ethiopia #AmharaGenocide #Eritrea #AbiyAhmedAli

Abiy Has 99 Security Problems, but Access to the Sea Ain’t One! The Tana Forum @TanaForum was the brainchild of Meles Zenawi, established to discuss the security concerns of #African states. From its inaugural meeting onwards, the Forum identified several central challenges to African security, including: 1) State Fragility in #Africa 2) Managing Diversity 3) Nation-Building Meles used the #TanaForum to highlight the importance of managing Africa’s ethnic, religious, cultural, linguistic and social diversity as a central issue affecting peace and security. He argued that diversity itself was not the problem; rather, problems arose from poor management, neglect, and a lack of equity, fairness and justice. The Forum also called for discussions on why #African states were weak, what made them fragile, and what was needed to make them stronger. It also raised a fundamental question: How strong are states that are described as strong? Fast-forward to 2026, and Abiy’s lightweight politics are on full display at the very same forum. He has used the platform to promote his stillborn idea that being landlocked constitutes an existential threat to #Ethiopia’s sovereignty, and that the solution is to negotiate away the sovereignty of other African states. This is an anathema to the principles of African security. In fact, it is a textbook example of what not to do if the goal is a peaceful and secure Africa. The irony is that the Tana Forum was not held in 2023 or 2024 amid security concerns in the #Amhara region, where the Forum is held annually. Abiy Ahmed has 99 security problems at home, ranging from civil wars and ethnic-based politics to religious violence, a struggling economy, the rising cost of living, poverty, crime and a lack of leadership. Yet access to the sea isn’t one of them. No wonder the presidents of #Djibouti, #Kenya, #Somalia, #Uganda, #Rwanda and others stayed away from this farce. He managed to hoodwink the Presidents of Ghana, Mozambique and Brundi this year. CC: President Daniel Francisco Chapo of Mozambique @PresidenciaMoz. President John Dramani Mahama of Ghana @JDMahama Brundi's President Évariste Ndayishimiye @GeneralNeva @NtareHouse @Haavisto @_AfricanUnion @ymahmoudali @EgyptForeignMin @MfaEgypt @SudanTribune_EN @TheVillaSomalia

After watching the President’s address, it’s increasingly clear he lacks the cognitive fitness to lead effectively. The signs of mental and physical decline have been evident throughout his presidency.

Dear Honorable @FarahMaalimM I have been concerned by some of your recent media remarks regarding the Gari-Borana conflict in Moyale. I worry that the framing, however well-intentioned, could inadvertently heighten tensions rather than contribute to resolving them. This is not an ethnic-level Oromo-Somali conflict, but rather a recurring dispute between two clans with close kinship ties, a shared language, and a common territory. Such disputes have persisted intermittently for decades and are sometimes exacerbated by cross-border contraband traders and unscrupulous security operatives. I therefore believe it is important to approach the situation with caution and avoid framing a localized conflict in ways that could turn it into a broader ethnic or national confrontation. Sadly, this is not the first time you have made inflammatory remarks of this nature. A few years ago, when tensions arose between Somalia and Ethiopia, you delivered an incendiary speech directed at the Oromo, which was followed by reports of harassment and assaults against Oromo refugees in towns across Somalia. Such incidents underscore the potential consequences of rhetoric that risks inflaming ethnic tensions. Brother Farah, I know you personally, and our relationship goes beyond politics. We have shared both good and difficult times. I have had the pleasure of hosting you in my home in Addis Ababa, and you have graciously welcomed me into yours, where I enjoyed a wonderful meal with your family. You were also among the first people to reach out and offer help when I recently faced a dangerous situation. I recall these moments because I know you as a fundamentally good-hearted and caring person, and I write to you in that same spirit of friendship and mutual respect. As an elder statesman, you are someone whom I and many other younger politicians have looked to for advice, wisdom, and guidance on important national and regional issues. Precisely because I hold you in such high regard, I hope you will understand my concern. Your words carry weight, and with that comes a responsibility to promote restraint, understanding, and peaceful coexistence, especially when tensions are high. Brother, I say this with genuine respect and affection. Please continue to be the voice of wisdom and guidance that we have come to expect from you. Best regards, Your younger brother, Jawar Mohammed