Zilch

PM Modi must ensure those who rose on his popularity do not squander his political capital In the 1998 Lok Sabha election, the Bharatiya Janata Party secured 25.59% of the national vote and won 182 seats. In 2009, its vote share had fallen to 18.80%, and it was reduced to 116 seats. The turning point came in 2014, when Narendra Modi was declared the party's prime ministerial candidate. The BJP's vote share surged to 31.34%, and it won 282 seats. In 2019, its vote share climbed further to 37.36%, with 303 seats. In 2024, it secured 36.56% of the national vote and won 240 seats. From 18.80% in 2009 to 37.36% in 2019, the BJP's vote share nearly doubled under Modi's leadership. The scale of this expansion marked an unprecedented phase in the BJP's electoral history. Modi's personal popularity became the principal force behind the BJP's national expansion, enabling the party to reach a level of electoral support it had never previously achieved. The party's growth also created opportunities for its leaders, from ministers in the government to functionaries in the organisation. Their political standing has, in significant measure, benefited from the popularity and electoral momentum associated with Modi. But this is where the distinction begins. While the PM has continued to focus on governance, India's international relationships, domestic manufacturing under the Make in India initiative, and the delivery of essential services such as cooking gas, electricity, sanitation and roads to villages, the conduct of several leaders within his own party raises a different set of questions. Leaders who have benefited from the political capital generated by Modi's popularity are indulging in corruption, risking the very public trust that helped bring them to power. The consequences are not confined to the individuals involved. For millions of people who have placed their faith in Modi, the conduct of BJP leaders holding ministerial, political or organisational positions is inevitably viewed against the expectations created by his leadership. When these leaders engage in corruption, the resulting damage extends beyond the individuals concerned to the party and the government. The PM's personal standing rests on a commitment to governance and public service, but that distinction becomes harder to sustain when those exercising power under his political leadership use their positions for personal gain. It is therefore time for Modi to take a serious and unambiguous stand. Such individuals should not be shielded because of their seniority or organisational position. The message must be clear: no individual can use the political capital generated by Modi's leadership as protection against scrutiny. The PM should also establish a dedicated channel, staffed by officials directly accountable to him, through which journalists, honest government officials, whistleblowers and citizens can share verifiable information about corruption within the political and administrative system. There are people who possess information about wrongdoing but lack confidence that their complaints will lead to action. The BJP's electoral rise under Modi has created an extraordinary reservoir of political capital. As things stand, protecting that capital will require the PM's own intervention, particularly as several of his colleagues appear to have deviated from the commitment to national growth and public service that has defined his stated agenda. Within the government and the party organisation, allegations of corruption and the accumulation of substantial movable and immovable assets by individuals have grown increasingly prominent. Modi must ensure that the political capital built on public faith in his leadership is not squandered by those who have benefited from it.